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HARPER'S WEEKLY.
SATURDAY, AUGUST 17, 1861.
THE WORK OF THE EXTRA
SESSION.
BEFORE this paper reaches its readers Congress will have
adjourned, after a brief session of rather more than a month. It has been, in
many respects, the most momentous session of Congress in our history; and, we
are happy to add, it has been one to which every patriotic citizen can look back
with satisfaction and pride.
By a very proper resolution, adopted shortly after the
organization, the business of the session was restricted to the subject which
obliged the President to convene Congress in July. No time has been wasted in
irrelevant discussions, and no measures have been passed but those bearing on
the war.
In the first place, the unauthorized acts performed by the
President with a view of preventing the spread of the rebellion and the capture
of
Washington by the rebels, have been duly confirmed and ratified. This,
perhaps, was hardly necessary. Though ours is a Government of delegated powers,
and we have a written charter limiting the authority of the President, still it
would be absurd to urge that, in a case of vital and instant necessity, the
President ought rather to allow the Government to go to pieces than assume
powers not expressly delegated to him. The letter must sometimes yield to the
spirit of the law. Every one can see that if
Mr. Lincoln had not exceeded his
authority,
Jefferson Davis would have fulfilled his boast of ruling in
Washington by the middle of May, and the nation would have gone to pieces. Is
any further justification needed for Mr. Lincoln's conduct ? Leading members of
Congress thought not, and voted a bill of ratification—not because it was
necessary, or because Congress had any power to make that legal which was in
itself illegal ; but simply in order to share Mr. Lincoln's honorable
responsibility.
The President has been authorized, by each of two concurrent
Acts, to call into the field an army of 500,000 men, and various important Acts
have been passed to promote the efficiency of this army. We have not space to
discuss these in detail ; we may mention, however, that the President has been
authorized to remove incompetent officers, and that a judicious scheme has been
adopted for securing the retirement of officers who are superannuated. Five
hundred thousand Northern men ought to suffice to crush out treason and
rebellion in a far shorter period of time than three years, which is the term of
service for most of the volunteers called into the field. In all probability the
work will be done in a year, and with less than three-fourths of the authorized
force. But Congress has been wisely prodigal of resources.
Appropriations have been made for building twenty-three
gun-boats, twelve side-wheel steamers of light draught, and four first-class
sloops of war ; besides which the President has been authorized to buy or hire
as many merchant vessels as may be necessary to perfect the blockade and put
down piracy. Acts have been passed directing the enlistment of the proper number
of seamen and marines for this naval force. Here again the wise liberality of
Congress is to be commended. There is no stint to the power conferred upon the
President in regard to the navy. He may have a thousand vessels in commission by
November if he needs them. If a deficiency should arise either in our land or
our naval force, the fault will not rest with Congress.
To provide for the expenses of the war various Acts have been
passed : one authorizing a loan of $250,000,000, to be obtained by issuing
either 7 per cent. bonds or Treasury Notes bearing 7 3/10 per cent. interest,
and an issue of $20,000,000 of Treasury Notes bearing no interest ; another
authorizing the issue of $20,000,000 of 6 per cent. Treasury Notes convertible
into 6 per cent. stock ; another imposing a direct tax on incomes and various
kinds of property ; another increasing customs duties, etc., etc. At the time we
write it is impossible to state accurately what aggregate amount of money will
be raised by these various Acts. But it can not fall short of $350,000,000, and
it may amount to $400,000,000. So far, therefore, as money is concerned,
Congress has been lavish. Opinions differ with regard to the wisdom of some
provisions in the Loan Act. But there is no doubt that, under it, Mr. Lincoln
will obtain ample present means for the prosecution of the war, and this being
secured, matters of detail may for the present be dismissed from consideration.
Acts have been passed providing for the punishment of conspiracy
against the Government ; for the collection of duties on shipboard where
collectors can not perform their duties ashore; for the closing of rebel ports ;
and for the confiscation of property—including
slaves—employed by rebels in the
war against the Government. This last measure is the only one which refers in
any way to the original cause of the
war. A resolution passed the House declaring that it was no part of the duty of
United States soldiers to recapture fugitive slaves;
but another resolution also
passed, declaring that the war is prosecuted solely for the
re-establishment of the authority of the Government—thus tacitly admitting that
our troops are not designed to interfere with the slave institution. The subject
of the future relations of the Government with slavery was by general consent
deferred till the winter session. When we have added that resolutions passed the
Senate expelling the senators from the seceded States, while a resolution passed
the House expelling a member now in arms against the Government, we shall have
enumerated all the leading measures of the extra session.
It has been eminently a fruitful and a satisfactory session. With few
exceptions, members have been animated by hearty patriotism and sound common
sense. No time has been wasted in idle debate. Never was there less
speech-making for buncombe. It is pleasant, too, to remember that, even at this
crisis, members showed a sufficiently keen sense of the value of liberty of
speech to refrain from gagging the traitors who were insolent enough to parade
their treason in the halls of Congress. Mr. Benjamin Wood, the member whose
political and commercial career reflect such honor on this city, has not favored
the country with his views, except by his votes, which have always been against
his country : but Messrs. Breckinridge, Vallandigham, Burnett, and a few others
have talked treason to their heart's content without let or hindrance. It is
better so. To have expelled Vallandigham or Burnett would have made martyrs of
them, and might have kept them alive. Now they will go back to their people with
the brand of treason on their brow, and a record which will sink them to the
lowest depth of shame and contempt. In bright contrast with them stand the new
members from Virginia and a majority of the delegations from Kentucky and
Maryland. The day is not far distant, we trust, in which such men as Mr. Carlile
and his followers in Congress will control the destiny of the States from which
they come ; they have shown, during this Extra Session, that they are worthy of
the trust.
THE LOUNGER.
THE NECESSITY OF
WAR.
IN
Napier's
" History of the Peninsular War"
there is a short sentence which shall serve us as a
text for a short sermon. "Napoleon now changed the system of the war." He had
been taught by
circumstances as every general is, and as we have
been in our present struggle.
Up to the day at
Bull Run our policy was naturally indicated by the word that
describes the enemy's position. It
is a rebellion. The Government is
suppressing an insurrection ; at first, therefore,
it naturally dealt with the difficulty as with a riot upon a great scale.
It naturally sought rather to
sustain the Union men at the South than to strike the rebels. It
permitted, in that view, a certain freedom of intercourse. It accepted battle
when and where the enemy chose. It was forbearing and reluctant, and even
possibly hoped to restore its authority without much fighting. So
many men, so much money, were at its command, that it may even have hoped
to tire out or intimidate the rebellion.
The day at Bull Run showed that this policy was impracticable. "Napoleon now
changed the system of the war."
The movement is still a rebellion, but the method
of the rebels is war, and a war of desperation and vindictiveness. The
Government must now—and its recent steps show that it will—also treat the
suppression as a matter of war. The object is by
military force to restore the supremacy of the Government. The rebels are
in complete command of the section they possess. They are earnest, resolute,
devoted ; and much more united against the Government than the Colonies
were against England. But, for all that, they are only a faction of citizens
aiming to destroy the Government of the whole.
Their section will, therefore, doubtless be treated like the country of an
enemy. It will be absolutely blockaded by land and sea. All communication with
the loyal part of the country will be cut off. Instead of allowing the rebels to
hold their great force in Virginia, where they wish to be and where they prefer
to fight us, we shall decline to allow them to choose the battle-field and take
position upon it; but by sudden descents along their coast, by threatening and
destroying their cities and towns,
incessantly harass them in the rear, and compel a retreat, or insure the
demoralization of their army in Virginia. If the men from the Gulf States know
that their homes are in danger they will leave Virginia to defend herself and
fly homeward.
The rebels have appealed to war against the Government of the whole people: let
them abide the result of their appeal. Their rebellion is to be suppressed at
every cost. If the landing of our
soldiers upon their coasts agitates their slaves—it
is they who have done it, for they can not suppose that in appealing to
war they were to have all of its advantages and none of its pains. They have
made this war that they might extend slavery. Should their slaves rise, they
would understand one of many reasons why the people would not
suffer this nation to be at the mercy of such a system. If what they
boast as their strength shall prove to be their weakness, it is not the fault of
the people who did not raise their hands until they
were compelled. If their crops are destroyed, if their trade is ruined, if their
homes are laid desolate—they have only themselves to accuse and curse. We wanted
no war—we asked for no war —we disbelieved in the necessity of war—and up to the
day of Bull Run we secretly supposed that still the worst of war might be
avoided.
They have opened our eyes fully at last. Let no man grieve that it was done so
slowly. Let no man regret that his
Government refused to believe in the total, bloody, mad treachery of so
many citizens. From the fearful day at Bull Run dates war. Not polite war, not
incredulous war, not conciliatory war, but war that breaks hearts and blights
homes; war that by bloody and terrible
blows teaches causeless rebellion that it shall suffer in mind, body, and
estate. and that wherever it can be harmed there the blow shall fall, until, in
absolute submission, it shall sue for peace.
And for the security of the men still loyal among
the traitors this course will be the swiftest and surest. War can make no
discrimination. The shell that bursts in the city streets destroys alike the
life and the property of the rebel and the true man ; and every Union man in the
rebellious section will see and approve the sharp necessity.
He will say as
John Hancock said when Boston was to be bombarded—" All that I
have is in that city—but I give it willingly." He will say what John Jay said,
all of whose property was in Westchester. " I wish our army well stationed in
the Highlands, and all the lower
country desolated." The times demand the same spirit in patriots now as
then.
For since the appeal is to war, war must decide.
There is not a loyal man in the country whose indignation with the rebels would
not be mingled with pity, if he could truly say " they have been greatly
wronged." That no man can truly say. He can only exclaim as Lander makes
Washington say in one of the
Imaginary Conversations: "Such at
last is become the audacity of Power, from a century or more of holidays and
riot, it now complains that you deprive it of its prerogative if you limit the
exercise of its malignity. I lament that there are those who can learn no
lesson of humanity,
unless we write it broadly with the point of the sword."
" RIGHTS" AND WRONGS.
THE Journal of Commerce, the Bourbon of newspapers,
which thinks that the Government of the
United States ought not to defend itself against treason,
which is smitten with horror if a man is arrested
who is notoriously engaged in measures to overthrow
the Government, and which looks serenely
upon the seizure of United States property and the
outrage of the
United States flag by armed rebels,
suggests that a convention should be held to save
the Union by promising Mr. Jeff Davis that, if he will only stop trying to
destroy it, he shall have his own way, and all that he wants in it. In other
words, the Journal of Commerce thinks that the
country ought to satisfy "the South" by assuring it that its rights will not be
assailed.
It happens that the case is precisely the other way. " The North," by which is
meant the majority of the people of this country, is the party which is to be
"satisfied" by any arrangement that may follow this war. "The South" knows, and
the Journal knows, that the Government of this country has been always
controlled by " the South" and its
"rights," by which it means slavery. They all know that the Government
has never assailed those " rights," and the last Congress very unnecessarily
tied up its hands in the matter as much as it could. They were not assailed.
They were not threatened. They knew perfectly well
that there was no cause for a revolution, and therefore Mr. Davis very
cunningly insisted that it was not a revolution at all, but merely a "peaceful
secession;" not a step against the Constitution, but under it or within
it. That
Mr. Stephens said
precisely the opposite was not surprising, for he is a shrewder man than
his chief, and knew that while "secession" is simple folly, revolution may
always hope to gain dignity by success.
" The South" having shown what respect it has
for constitutional government, for national honor,
and for private faith ; having plunged the country
into desperate war because it could no longer control the Government for
its own interest; having smitten all prosperity, and struck a deadly blow at
every mechanic, merchant, and laborer in the
country, now announces through its organ in New York that it will consent
to forgive us upon condition of our guarantee that it shall have its old control
of national affairs.
To state the thing is to settle it. But " the
South" might as well understand now as later, that
"the North," after conquering this rebellion, means to have guarantees
for its rights. Those rights are
the constitutional privileges of every American citizen ; his right of
going freely every where in the country, and of freely expressing every where
his opinion : the same right that "the South" has always
enjoyed, and as the Journal of Commerce daily proves, does still enjoy at
"the North." Those rights are
symbolized by the flag, and to their protection the Government is pledged
by its very existence, any thing in
any State law to the contrary notwithstanding.
After this war is over, "the South," and the Journal of Commerce, and Messrs.
Breckinridge, Burnett, Vallandigham,
Wood, & Co., will find that the rights of the people, of liberty, and of
a firm government, will be
considered and secured before the "right" of a faction to break up the
Government when they are defeated in an election.
OUR BANNER IN THE SKY.
CHURCH'S little picture, which Goupil & Co. have printed in colors, is a visible
image of the American mind at this moment. Faith, symbolized
by our flag, flames in the forehead of the morning sky. It is a lovely
and pardonable conceit of the painter to hint in this way the justice of our
cause. With stars and gleaming vapor he writes our story on the sky. The heavens
approve. Good men applaud. We fight the good fight of our fathers and the
freedom they have left us, against a
monstrous despotism and causeless rebellion, which, wages a bloody and
inhuman war. And mad ambition might as well hope to steal those
stars and
stripes of light from the heavens as to pluck from the great heroic heart and
hand of this nation the triumph and the peace that the stars and stripes
prefigure.
THE GORILLA WAR.
DR. JOHN EDWARD GRAY writes a reply to Mr.
John Murray, on the 6th of July, reaffirming the " many inaccuracies" and
"extraordinary contradictions" which he thinks he has found in M. Du Chaillu's
book ; and the Athenoeum, in which so much of the war has been waged, declares
that it can not allow the contest to go on longer in its pages.
Captain Burton, meanwhile, himself an eminent African traveler and member of the
Ethnological Society, at the meeting of which the exasperated Du Chaillu was so
entirely mastered by his feelings,
writes to the Times that he hopes "the persons excluded from the future
meetings of the Society will be, not
M. Du Chaillu, but the gentleman who;.
after taking undue advantage of our protection, insulted a foreigner and
a guest, and received (and quietly pocketed) his punishment."
Despite Dr. Gray and Mr. Morton, M. Du Chaillu has established his name as that
of one of the most daring of modern travelers, whose story of adventure is
singularly simple and fascinating. If, in the mean time, it should be asked
whether he is ever likely to be mistaken for Lord Chesterfield, it might be
answered that he will probably be
so whenever Mr. Morton shall be confounded with Professor Owen.
THE CONDITIONS OF WAR.
WAR is among the oldest historical facts. The world has always been fighting
more or less. It is the final
appeal when ignorant men quarrel or when grave men differ. It is not
necessary to hate your enemy, but it may be necessary to kill him. If a man
sincerely thinks that he ought to cut your
throat, he can not complain if you think with equal sincerity that he
ought not. And if he persist, he can not quarrel with your persistence.
The principle of war is always the same. And
however science may improve the means of war, it will leave its principle
untouched. And however.
civilization and the moral sentiments may abolish
war, so long as it remains any where unabolished, it will there be
founded upon the same principle. War aims to compel, either by the force of
terror or by bodily injury. It aims to fall with irresistible force upon the
foe, that he may be either morally or physically conquered.
To the success of war, therefore, whether in the
half-fabulous early era of Rome, or the latest year of the Christian era,
certain points are cardinal and
essential. Two of them, and after the grand one
of adequate force, the most essential are secrecy and
unanimity. You can not fight so well if the enemy knows how and where you
are going to strike, or if you own
counsels are distracted, or if you have a Board of Generals instead of one
leader.
These two conditions have always been forcibly secured by every nation which
undertook war. War is in its nature despotic, and must therefore be directed
absolutely. When the Roman Republic was in peril, it named a Dictator pro hac
vice. The French Revolution was quelled only by the will and word of one man,
Napoleon Bonaparte. In the troubles
of '48 in France, peace was restored only by putting the supreme military
power into, the hands of Cavaignac. In our Revolution the
most serious impediment in the path of Washington
was not the enemy so much as the Congress which
criticised, doubted, and questioned his conduct of the war.
What then ? Shall we have a Dictator? Certainly not; for the danger with him
would be greater than the chance of delay and defeat without him. Let us pass on
to another paragraph to answer the question, what then ?
GOOD CITIZENSHIP.
NEITHER our system, our education, nor our common
sense would allow us to desire or accept a dictator
or any supreme, irresponsible management of public affairs. The contest we wage
is for free, popular
institutions, which are confessedly based
upon the rights of men. The most absolute freedom
of discussion is one of the chief of those rights.
By consequence, another of them is immunity from
legal pursuit, except for overt acts of treason.
Properly speaking, our Constitution takes no cognizance
of thoughts or words. A man may openly think and say that he considers a
Republic a failure, and that
he heartily desires a King. But he is still not a traitor, under the
Constitution. He is defended to the last his full right of saying so if he
wishes : and he is justly defended.
But when we engage in war, or in the suppression of a sectional rebellion upon
so great a scale that it is virtually war, we undertake to use a machine whose
efficiency depends, as it has always
depended, upon the same things—adequate force, secrecy, and unanimity.
The force is supplied by the glad enthusiasm of the people. It is, as becomes
our system, voluntary. And so must the other two be. They must be entirely
voluntary. And since we can not
have, and ought not to have a
law restraining the expression of opinion—it must be left to the
patriotic good sense of the people. Neither
to please the enemy nor embarrass ourselves
by an incessant carping and quibbling at the management of our affairs.
What is carping and quibbling is
precisely the point to be left to the general common sense.
Our system presupposes enough discretion in the
citizens not to destroy itself. It implies in its very nature that liberty does
not necessarily decline into licentiousness. Its very claim is that (Next
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