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HARPER'S WEEKLY.
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1862.
THE present Number of HARPER'S
WEEKLY completes
Volume VI. A Title-Page and Table of Contents
can be had gratuitously from the principal News-Dealers.
THE
REVERSE AT FREDERICKSBURG.
WE have again to report a
disastrous reverse to our arms. Defeated with great slaughter in the battle of
13th,
General Burnside has now withdrawn the army of
the Potomac to the north side of the Rappahannock, where the people congratulate
themselves that it is at least in safety. And now, who is responsible for this
terrible repulse?
General Burnside was appointed to
the command of the army of the Potomac on 9th November, and began at once to
prepare to shift the base and line of march of his army toward
Fredericksburg. In view of such a movement
General McClellan had, before his removal, suggested the propriety of rebuilding
and occupying the railroad from
Aquia Creek to Falmouth; but, for some reason
not apparent, the War Department had not acted upon the suggestion. About 12th
November General Burnside notified the Department that he would arrive at
Fredericksburg in about a week, and that pontoons must be there by that time, in
order to enable him to cross and occupy the hills on the south side of the
river. On the 21st
General Sumner arrived at Fredericksburg, and
found that there was not a pontoon there, and the railroad between Aquia Creek
and Falmouth being out of order, there was no means of getting any, and no means
of procuring supplies. It was absolutely impossible to cross the river, and the
enemy were already arriving on the south side and throwing up earth-works.
General Burnside, on discovering
this state of things, repaired instantly to Washington to ascertain why he was
being sacrificed. What satisfaction he obtained no one knows. But a general
officer, one of the most distinguished in the service, not in the army of the
Potomac, as early as 23d November, made no secret of his opinion that the
movement via Fredericksburg "was a failure," because Burnside had been unable to
occupy the south bank of the Rappahannock in time.
In the course of two weeks
pontoons were furnished to the army, the railroad was repaired, and supplies
were forthcoming. But, on the other hand,
Lee, with 150,000 men, was strongly intrenched
on the opposite side of the river, on two ranges of hills which command the
slope at the foot of which the Rappahannock runs and Fredericksburg lies. The
question was, what was to be done? A council of war was held on the night of
11th. At that council it is understood that Generals Sumner,
Franklin,
Hooker, and all the corps commanders who had
been invited were decidedly opposed to a movement across the river and up the
slope. IT IS RUMORED THAT BURNSIDE THEN SAID THAT HE WAS ORDERED TO CROSS THE
RIVER AND ATTACK THE BATTERIES IN FRONT, AND THAT HE WOULD DO IT, NO MATTER WHAT
THE COST. This of course closed the discussion, and the Generals made their
preparations accordingly. On 12th the river was crossed without serious
resistance. On 13th the rebel batteries were attacked in front by the bulk of
Burnside's army, and our troops were repulsed with a loss which is now variously
estimated at from twelve to seventeen thousand men. The rebel loss is not known,
but they can not have lost many score of men. On the night of 15-16th, General
Burnside withdrew his army to the north side of the river.
We are indulging in no hyperbole
when we say that these events are rapidly filling the heart of the loyal North
with sickness, disgust, and despair. Party lines are becoming effaced by such
unequivocal evidences of administrative imbecility; it is the men who have given
and trusted the most, who now feel most keenly that the Government is unfit for
its office, and that the most gallant efforts ever made by a cruelly tried
people are being neutralized by the obstinacy and incapacity of their leaders.
Where this will all end no one can see. But it must end soon. The people have
shown a patience, during the past year, quite unexampled in history. They have
borne, silently and grimly, imbecility, treachery, failure, privation, loss of
friends and means, almost every suffering which can afflict a brave people. But
they can not be expected to suffer that such massacres as this at Fredericksburg
shall be repeated. Matters are rapidly ripening for a military dictatorship.
THE
BRITISH PIRATES "ORETO"
AND "ALABAMA."
THE publication of the official
correspondence between the State Department and our foreign ministers at length
places us in possession of the facts regarding the construction and outfit of
the famous pirates Oreto and Alabama. Public report long ago classed these
pirates as British. But many persons, unwilling to believe that a
friendly nation would wantonly
take advantage of a civil war in this country to engage in the business of
piracy, have regarded the designation as unjustified and injurious. The facts
now leave no further room for doubt.
On February 18, 1862, Mr. Adams,
United States Minister to England, laid the case of the Oreto before the British
Government. She was then building at Liverpool, for the parties who had already
dispatched the Bermuda to the Southern States, and the evidence of her
destination and her character was submitted to Earl Russell. The latter referred
the case to the British Commissioners of Customs, who reported, under date of
February 22, that their collector had "every reason to believe she was for the
Italian Government," and that though she was pierced for guns, she had none on
board, and the opinion appeared to be that "she was not going to receive any in
England." This answer was perfectly satisfactory to Earl Russell, who sent it to
Mr. Adams; though every body in Liverpool knew perfectly well that she was a
Confederate privateer. On 22d March the Oreto moved out into the Mersey, and was
handed over by her builders to Captain Bullock, "Confederate States Navy,"
Lieutenants Maffitt, Young, etc., who had come from the South to command her in
the steamer Annie Childs, which had run the blockade. On running up the river
the Annie Childs dipped her colors (the "Stars and Bars") to the Oreto, and the
officers of the former vessel were entertained at dinner the same evening on
board the Oreto. A flat-boat was simultaneously sent alongside the Oreto with
her armament. These facts, which were quite notorious in Liverpool, were
communicated by the United States Consul to Mr. Adams, and by him to Earl
Russell. The latter, as before, referred to the Commissioners of Customs, who
reported, on April G, that the Oreto sailed on 22d March —the day the United
States Consul's report was forwarded to London; that there was no reason for
supposing she was not going to Palermo, for which port she cleared; and that she
had 178 tons of arms on board. As a vessel clearing for Palermo would not
require 178 tons of arms, and as every body knew she was going not to Sicily but
to Nassau, one is surprised to find that the British Commissioners of Customs,
who lied so glibly on other points, did not lie about the arms likewise. The
Oreto fairly at sea, Earl Russell gave "a polite expression of his regret" to
Mr. Adams on April 15. Late in May she turned up in the British colony of
Nassau, where the famous pirate,
Captain Semmes, of the
Sumter, and now of the
Alabama, was waiting to take command of her. A
farce was performed there by the British officials, highly to the diversion of
the citizens of that dirty little place—Nassau: the Oreto was seized by the
authorities, and formally released on 8th June. She forthwith completed her
armament and coaled up; whereupon, our gun-boats being excluded from Nassau by
the order of the Governor forbidding them to take a pound of coal on board in
that harbor, she sailed at the right time, and, through the negligence of
Commander Preble, succeeded, under the British flag, in getting fairly into the
harbor of Mobile.
Here is one pirate, built in a
British port, manned by British seamen, sent to sea under the auspices of
British officials in defiance of the clearest evidence of her character,
received and protected in a British colonial port, armed with British guns, and
at last reaching a rebel port under cover of the British flag. If it be unfair
to call the Oreto a British pirate it would be difficult to conceive a vessel
which should deserve that designation.
Let us turn to the Alabama, or
"290." She was built in the early months of 1861, at the ship-yard of Messrs.
Laird & Co., at Birkenhead, opposite Liverpool, England. On 23d June last Mr.
Adams acquainted the British Government with the facts. Earl Russell referred
the matter to the Commissioners of Customs; and they, under date of July 1,
reported that, though she was evidently built for a man-of-war in the service of
"some foreign government," and was being prepared for the reception of guns and
warlike stores, there was "no good ground for detaining or interfering with"
her. Every one in Liverpool, including the Commissioners and Earl Russell
himself, knew perfectly well for what "government" she was being built. Yet the
British Secretary entirely concurred in the view that there was no ground for
interference," and asked for fresh evidence. This was furnished within a week,
but Earl Russell objected to its "legal form," and it was sent back to the
Consul to be properly authenticated. Meanwhile the "290" was being made ready as
rapidly as possible. On 16th July Mr. Adams, fearing fresh quibbles, took legal
advice. Mr. Collyer, Queen's Counsel, one of the highest legal authorities in
England, gave a written opinion that the vessel was being fitted out as a rebel
privateer, and ought to be seized under the British Neutrality Act. On 22d July
this opinion, together with depositions, showing the destination of the vessel,
were laid before Earl Russell. On 23d Mr. Collyer, who was again consulted,
replied: "It appears difficult to make out a stronger case of infringement of
the foreign enlistment act, which, if not enforced on this occasion, is little
better than a dead letter." This opinion was likewise forthwith transmitted
to Earl Russell. Nothing,
however, was done; the excuse which was afterward given by Earl Russell being,
that the Queen's Advocate, Sir John D. Harding, was ill. Under the pressure of
Mr. Adams's efforts, other counsel was taken, and their opinion was obtained on
the morning of 29th July. It was forthwith sent into the Circumlocution Office
to be copied, and orders, through the same channel, were dispatched to Liverpool
to detain the vessel. We need hardly add that the tenor of these opinions and
orders were known at Liverpool long before the official documents arrived, and
that the "290," or Alabama, sailed to sea on the same day—29th July—receiving
her armament off Point Lynas. She made for the Azores, where she met a Liverpool
vessel laden with coal and stores, and at once commenced the career of
devastation which has made her infamous.
Here is a vessel built in a
British dock-yard, by a member of the British Parliament—Mr. Laird; armed with
British guns, manned with British sailors; fitted out under the auspices of
British officials, in defiance alike of the remonstrances of our Minister and of
the Foreign Enlistment Act; going to sea under British protection, and
commencing at once her career by the destruction of ten helpless and defenseless
whalers. If this craft be not a British pirate, what would constitute one?
There are many things in
Mr. Seward's dispatches which must be
regretted. The Secretary is altogether too sanguine and too wordy. He is always
indulging in predictions which remain unfulfilled, and writing a page where a
sentence would answer the purpose better. But the criticism which he provokes
soon gives way, on a perusal of these State-Papers, to a much stronger emotion,
which is aroused by the uniform tenor of the dispatches of the British
Government. There is not a single dispatch from Earl Russell which does not
breathe covert hostility to the United States, and an obvious though unexpressed
desire for their permanent disruption. The ruin of this country has evidently
been the one object nearest the heart of the British Government. It was to
secure this object that pirates were fitted out with impunity, in defiance of
the laws of England, in British ports; that the legitimate exercise of authority
by our blockading squadron was jealously denounced; that the highly proper
restrictions laid upon contraband trade between New York and Nassau were made
the subject of a formal remonstrance; that every possible opportunity of
harassing and menacing us was eagerly grasped. Mr. Dayton's correspondence from
Paris shows that the Emperor has all along been friendly to us, and would
probably have rescinded his proclamation granting belligerent rights to the
rebels but for his pledges to the British Government. Dispatches from almost
every court in Europe tell the same story: at first, the cause of the Union was
generally popular, but the aspersions of the British press, supported as they
were by the official and unofficial expressions of members of the British
Government, gradually created a sentiment hostile to its and our aims. But for
England there would have been no rebel privateers, no peaceful merchant vessels
would have been burned, and public sentiment throughout Europe would have
remained—as it was at first—on the side of law, order, established government,
and freedom.
England has been sowing, during
this past year, a harvest which will some day be reaped at a frightful cost.
OBITUARY.
KILLED, before Fredericksburg, on
December 13, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOSEPH B. CURTIS, of the Fourth Rhode Island
Volunteers. The Providence Journal thus recounts his death:
"He fell at the head of his
regiment, while bravely leading it on. The fatal shot could have struck down no
nobler or more promising young officer. Though he had attained to so conspicuous
a position, and by regular promotions fairly earned by hard and faithful
service, he was only twenty-six years of age. He was the son of the late George
Curtis, Esq., President of the Continental Bank of New York, and formerly of
this city, and was the grandson of Hon. Samuel W. Bridgham, the first Mayor of
this city. He was educated at the Lawrence Scientific School, Cambridge, for the
profession of civil engineer. When the war broke out he held a place in the
Engineer Corps of the Central Park, New York. He promptly tendered his services
to his country."
THE
LOUNGER.
WHERE WE ARE.
IN the constant criticism upon
the delays and blunders of the war we ought, in justice to ourselves, to reflect
that the management of every war is furiously censured, and that the comparison
between ourselves and the methods of despotic governments is necessarily unfair.
In every great war hitherto, since the organization of standing armies, the army
has been the controlling element; and it was always the body-guard of the
existing government—instituted, indeed, for that purpose. But here there was no
great army, and the majority of the officers of what small force we had were
either traitorous or doubtful. And from this came one of the chief difficulties
of our situation.
Any other great government in the
world which should be threatened by a rebellion would find itself intrenched in
the regular tradition of the country, in all the complexity of governmental
offices and interests, and most strongly in a large, perfectly-armed, and
well-disciplined army. This force would at once show a front infinitely more
formidable than that of the
enemy. At the first intimation it would strike heavily and every where. It would
believe the worst, and lose no moment in parleying or hesitating. We have but to
see how Austria, the dullest and most brutal of civilized governments, repressed
Italy, a distant and utterly foreign country, for more than thirty-live years,
and we can calculate the value of this permanent organized military force
constantly animated by suspicion.
Now, to go no further, our
Government had no military force and no suspicion, even while the enemy was
fully resolved and rapidly organizing. When the explosion came there was but one
solitary emotion to appeal to, and that was patriotism. But when this emotion
cordially responded, and sent as many men as were asked, and would have doubled
the number in a week, that was but the beginning. There were men, but they were
not soldiers. There were no sufficient arms, or transportation, or equipment.
Every thing must be made from the beginning. Contracts were inevitable, and the
consequences equally so. A tremendous gale had struck the ship with every inch
of canvas spread. There were no sailors, and the passengers were summoned to
shorten sail. They might sing out most lustily, "Ay, ay, Sir." They might spring
into the rigging, and wish to do every thing in a moment. But the chance was
that ship and company would be swamped before they could learn how to do what
they were most anxious to effect.
Take the first necessity—the
military preparation. Here were thousands of willing men—some, drilled militia,
but the mass utterly raw. They must be put into some shape. Who should do it? To
whom did common sense instinctively turn? Of course to the existing military
leaders. Grant that the chief of them was too old. Grant that his superior
military genius had never been proved. Yet he was the man to whom the nation
confided its fate. There might be a greater soldier among the people. The
village Hampden, the unknown Hannibal, Julius Caesar, Napoleon, might be only
awaiting the summons. Shall we advertise for him? Shall we issue proposals for a
Don John, for a Marshal Turenne? Clearly we could only try what was at hand. As
when there is a sudden necessity for a doctor or a lawyer or a shoemaker, we do
the best we can.
We take this aspect only in
illustration of all. It is easy enough now to say that the regular leader was
too old; that he did not understand the war nor the exigency; that he did not
wish to hurt, but only to frighten; that he was not in earnest; that he was
slow, dim, incapable. Yes; but that was the very thing we were to learn, and we
could learn it only by experience. We had to try and try and try, and each trial
that failed of course cost us most heavily. If, indeed, after proved incapacity,
the incapable were retained, the offense was most heinous, and this was too
often the fact. But a thousand complications of otherwise perfectly simple
courses will readily suggest themselves to any student of our politics, and
circumstances, and character.
To say, then, that the rebellion
might have been defeated in three months is to say that if the scope of the war
had been appreciated; if the army had been large, and drilled, and ready, and
the navy likewise; if the leaders had been eminent and skilled; and if,
consequently, the policy of the war had been an immediate, severe, and
overwhelming invasion of the rebel section, and a war regime throughout the
country, then the three months would have sufficed. Yes; but why not begin by
supposing that there had been no rebellion?
The picture upon the first page
of our last paper but one was itself a sign of the progress of education by
experience which the nation is undergoing. It was a portrait of Burnside
surrounded by those of his Generals, Sumner, Hooker,
Sigel, and Franklin. Twenty months have shown
that these are earnest, hearty, able, fighting generals. The Message and the
Proclamation are similar signs of another kind. The essential contest is
recognized.
Emancipation is recommended in detail, and the
immediate and unconditional freedom of slaves in States still in rebellion is
proclaimed for the 1st January.
There is no doubt that we have
disbelieved, and delayed, and blundered. But much of all was inevitable, and the
delay has shown us that the contest is in its nature radical. The war began with
three parties in the country. It will end with two: that which holds to a
government whose corner-stone is Slavery, and that which builds on Liberty.
TO
MY COUSIN JOHN.
[CONFIDENTIAL.]
MY DEAR JOHN BULL,—You have one
name, but there are really two persons under your hat. One is generous,
faithful, liberty-loving, and the other is a mean, exclusive, narrow, and
jealous fellow, who thinks that the world was made for England and England for
him. It is this last whom you always allow to talk and act for you with other
nations. You give him place, money, titles, homage, and servility of every kind,
and he permits you to have starvation wages. The man whom he hates most heartily
is the one who takes the part of all Englishmen against a few, and who insists
that governments should exist by the consent of the mass of the governed.
It is this fellow, your alter
ego, who hastened to declare that the rebels in this country were equal
belligerents with the Government; who inspires most of your papers to tell the
most ludicrous lies about us; who secretly sells arms and ammunition to the
rebels; who fits out ships to run the blockade; who builds pirates to prey upon
our commerce; who, with a hopeless ignorance of the facts and amusing confusion
of mind, justifies the rebellion by our revolution, gravely asserting the right
of secession, and loftily sneering at what he does not understand.
That the rebellion not only
strikes at the very roots of all civil order and the possibility of permanent
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