President Lincoln's Funeral

MAY 6, 1865.]

HARPER'S WEEKLY.

275

He lies in solemn state, alone

Alone with only silence there

Alone with lofty lamps that rim

Almost the very coping stone ;

Yet not alone, for all the air

Is filled with tender thoughts of him. And all night long the marble floors Have echoed to the gentle tread

Of blessed and immortal feet;

And through the open corridors

The mighty and illustrious dead

Have thronged all night his face to greet. And they have bent, full-browed with pain, And gazed through their celestial tears Upon the face so dear to them

Upon the man whose heart was fain Above all hearts these latter years

To be like his of Bethlehem.

And so our heads are bowed with grief Because we loved him, and because

But yesterday, this great man stood

Of many states the perfect chief; Dispensing justice and the laws,

And mindful of the public good.

Alas ! it is a dreary night ;

For he we loved so much now lies

Beneath the vast and vaulted dome ;

And in his eyes there is no light—No light is in those loving eyes

Which kindliness had made her home.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.

THE public ought to know that the Catafalque upon which the President's body lay in state at the City Hal! was erected by Mr. J. W. A. STRICIKLAND, at the expense of Mr. A. T. STEWART,

The Funeral Car was built by Mr. CHARLES METTAM ; Mr. P. RELYEA was undertaker-in-chief.

We are ourselves indebted to Aldermen OTTIWELL and RYERS for courtesies to our artists upon this melancholy occasion.

DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.

THE SITUATION.

OUR new President, Andrew Johnson, has given a most explicit declaration of his policy et his speech to the Indiana delegation. It does not differ essentially from the policy which President Lincoln favored. Responsible traitors are to be punished, while the utmost leniency is to be exercised toward the masses of the Southern people. The character of States is to be preserved, while at the same time it is to be impossible for any State to hold slaves. Mr. Johnson declares himself opposed to consolidation, or to any undue centralization of power. President Johnson's theory as to what constitutes a State is precisely that of his predecessor There has been no dissolution, but simply a suspension of normal life—a temporary paralysis. In the restoration of legitimate authority it must, of course, be the friends of the country, not its enemies, that shall control. The State is to be nursed in its weakness by loyal friends, not smothered by traitors.

There is no longer an organized rebellion in the United States. Even Kirby Smith, west of the Mississippi, is reported to have given up the cause. The rebel President is said to have escaped to Texas.

On the 18th of February an agreement for a suspension of hostilities and a memorandum of what is called a basis of peace was entered into between Generals Sherman and JOHNSTON. The place of this negotiation was Chapel Hilll, a few miles from Raleigh. According to the memorandum agreed upon the Confederate armies now in existence were to be disbanded, and being conducted to their several State capitals, were there to deposit their arms in the Sate arsenal, and to file an agreement to cease from acts of war, and abide the action of both State and Federal authorities. The Executive of the United States should recognize the existence of several State Governments on their officers and Legislatures taking the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States. The citizens of all States were to be guaranteed their political rights and franchise. These were the main features of this remarkable document.

General Sherman's proceeding in the matter was not approved by the Government, because it was an exercise of authority not vested in General Sherman, was a practical acknowledgment of the rebel Government, and undertook to reestablish rebel State Governments.

General Sherman was ordered to resume hostilities immediately, and was directed that the instructions given by the late President in the following telegram, which was penned by Mr. Lincoln himself, at the Capitol, on the night of the 3d of March, were approved by President Andrew Johnson. and were reiterated to govern the action of military commanders.

On the night of the 3d of March, while President Lincoln and his Cabinet were at the Capitol, a telegram from General Grant was brought to the Secretary of War, informing him that General Lee had requested an interview or conference to make an arangement for terms of peace.

The letter of General Lee was published in a letter of Davis to the rebel Congress.

General Grant's telegram was submitted to Mr. Lincoln, who, after pondering a few minutes, took up his pen and wrote with his own hand the following reply, which he submitted to the Secretary of State and Secretary of War.

 It was then dated, addressed, and signed by the Secretary of War, and telegraphed to General Grant:

" WASHINGTON, March 3, 1865—
"12 P.M.

" Lieutenant General Grant:

" The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to have no conference with General Lee, unless it be for the capitulation of General Lee's army, or on some minor and purely military matter. He instructs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question. Such questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to no military conferences or conventions. Meantime you are to press to the utmost your military advantages.

" EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War." General Grant arrived at Raleigh on the 24th of April.

THE CAPTURE OF MACON.

A dispatch from General Sherman states that "Wilson held Macon on the 28th, with Howell Cobb, G. W. Smith, and others, as prisoners, but they claimed the benefit of the armistice, and he has telegraphed to me through the rebel lines for orders. I have answered him that he may draw out of Macon and hold his command for further orders, unless he has reason to believe the rebels are changing the status to our prejudice."

THE CAPTURE OF MOBILE.

The campaign which was laid out a few weeks ago for the complete suppression of the rebellion in the Western States east of the Mississippi has been successfully accomplished. After Hood's defeat before Nashville General Thomas indicated to the War Department that he would not, on account of the state of the roads and for other reasons, be able to enter immediately upon another campaign. But he offered to cooperate with General Canby by sending to the latter one half of his infantry force and almost all his cavalry—the former under the command of General A. J. Smith, the latter under General Wilson. Smith's corps left Eastport, Mississippi, and arrived at New Orleans on the 22d of February. In camp seven miles north of New Orleans until March 13, the command was reorganized and Wilson's movements awaited. General Granger's army was then at Mobile Point, near Fort Morgan, and General Steele's at Pensacola. All these bodies were in readiness to move by March 20.

General Canby had some important information concerning Spanish Fort from Mr. Madder, who built the fort, and who came into our lines about the 1st of March. Smith and Granger joined on the 21st at Darley's Mill, on Fish River—the former moving by water, the latter by land. Steele was coming up from Pensacola, and Wilson, with his cavalry, was moving from Eastport. On the 26th Granger appeared before Spanish Fort, and Smith moved up to within four miles of Fort Blakely. The next day a good portion of the latter's command was withdrawn to operate against Spanish Fort with Granger. One division was left to threaten Blakely until Steele should arrive.

Spanish Fort was then completely invested by land. The bombardment commenced forthwith and was kept up until the 9th. Every day new guns were mounted until sixteen mortars, twenty siege guns, and six field batteries were brought to bear on the fort and the adjacent work---Fort Alexis. The enemy's gun-boats and two forts in the key participated in the defense of Spanish Fort.

The fleet of monitors in the bay with great difficulty got within shelling distance of the fort. On the 28th the Milwaukee was sunk by a torpedo; and the next day the Osage shared a similar fate. The fleet, however, was not able to effect much in the attack.

On the 26th of March Canby issued to his army the last of the rations provided. In this exigency General Bailey —the same who built the dam for the escape of Porter's fleet on Red River—succeeded in forming wharves and landing supplies from the bay. The Times correspondent says that if General Bailey had kept a diary a glance at its pages would show " that during one week's time he had four fights, a hundred wrangles, slapped the faces of three Steamboat Captains, and nearly killed with hard work some three hundred members of the Ninety-seventh colored."

Steele's command arrived on the 2d of April, having cut the Mobile and Montgomery Railroad, near Pollard, capturing a train of cars bound to Mobile, and fighting and killing the rebel General Clanton, inflicting a loss of 200 men besides capturing 300. Steele united with Garrard's division against Fort Blakely, which was now fully invested by land with the exception of a gap through which runs the Bayou Minnette. Up to this time our loss had been about 750.

On the 8th eight heavy Parrott guns were brought to bear on the rebel gun-boats, and under cover of a cannonade from one hundred pieces of artillery an assault was made on Spanish Fort at sunset. Geddis's brigade, consisting of the Eighth Iowa, the Eighty-first, One Hundred and Eighth, and One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Illinois, bore the brunt of the assault, and succeeded just after dark in getting inside of a portion of the enemy's works on the left. Here a fight ensued, and 300 of the enemy were captured. The assault was not made all along the line as it should have been, and thus it happened that Geddis was driven out of the portion of the works which he had gained. That night the enemy evacuated Spanish Fort, and escaped in boats across the bay to Mobile.

But Fort Blakely still remained. Blakely is a small town above the mouth of Blakely River, about four and one half miles north of Spanish Fort, and twelve miles from Mobile. The works at this point ran north and south, and were under the command of the rebel General Lyddell. On the 9th these works were carried by assault. It was a most gallant affair. Garrard's division, with its commander at its head, passed abatis and ditches after terrible entanglements - entanglements fatal to how many!—gained the inside of the fort and captured over 1000 men with their commander, the rebel General Thomas. Then Andrews's and Veatch's divisions charged over torpedoes and through a storm of bullets, and by seven o'clock the fort was ours with 3300 prisoners—including Generals Lyddell, Thomas, Cockerill -- 32 pieces of artillery, 4000 stand of small-arms, 16 battle-flags, and a vast amount of ammunition. Our loss here was about 1000. The next day the enemy's gun-boats with transports escaped up the Alabama River. On the night of the 10th the rebels began to evacuate Mobile, which was occupied by our forces on the 13th. The guns captured amounted to 150 ; 1200 prisoners were taken in the city. This made our whole number of prisoners about 6000. Dabney H. Maury escaped up the river with 9000 men. Our entire loss in the campaign is about 2000; that of the enemy 1500, besides prisoners. Seventeen forts were taken, over 200 guns, and a vast amount of cotton.

(From Previous Page) Sir ROBERT PEEL, the Prime Minister, yielded to the inevitable logic of the reformers, and brought in the bill repealing the duties upon imported corn, which was approved on the 26th of June, 1846. It was one of the greatest political triumphs in history. It reversed the traditional and cherished policy of a nation, and the result was achieved by solid argument. The grateful nation enriched Mr. COBDEN as a recognition of his patriotic service. But his political independence was never disturbed. He never courted a majority. His constituents approved the war with Russia. He opposed it. England made war upon China. Mr. COBDEN, with the majority in Parliament, voted to censure Lord PALMERSTON, and his constituents refused to re-elect him.

Like all the English liberals, Mr. COBDEN has been one of our firmest and truest friends during the rebellion. Ile had been twice in this country and understood our politics. Still better, he understood the eternal law that prevents injustice in an enlightened people from being permanently profitable ; and although not of a sanguine temperament, and knowing the condition of the country and the spirit of the rebellion, he was conscious of the terrible task be-fore us, yet he sincerely believed it would be accomplished.

COBDEN did not live to hear of the fall of Richmond, nor of the surrender of ROBERT E. LEE, nor of the final sealing of the coast by the occupation of Mobile. But he did live to see the insurrection of a system which, as a political economist, he knew to be disastrous to any nation, tottering and falling ; and the great principle of equal justice before the laws, which, as a statesman, he knew to be the only sure foundation of states, ascending to its complete victory. Happily for him he died before he heard that the wise and patient and practical statesman, who was the characteristic product of institutions which COBDEN trusted with all his heart, had suddenly rested from his labors amidst the tears of a nation. The two men lived for the same great purpose. The true interests of the people of England and of America have lost two of their noblest friends in ABRAHAM LINCOLN and RICHARD COBDEN.

THE PRESIDENT'S FUNERAL IN
NEW YORK.

ALL the beautiful day on Tuesday, when the dearly beloved President was borne through the great city, it was impossible not to feel that, however impassioned and tender all the orators might be, no oration could be so eloquent as the spectacle of the vast population, hushed and bareheaded, under the bright spring sky, gazing upon his coffin. It was one of the most imposing and touching pageants ever seen. From windows and house-tops and balconies, from trees and posts and door-steps, the multitude looked silently on, themselves a striking part of the scene they admired. The broad street was clear, and on both the walks the crowd was solid. The pressure at times was frightful, but the throng was mainly good-humored ; and when the funeral car approached the reverent silence was profoundly impressive. Nothing was heard as it passed but the regular footfall of the troops, the dull roll of the muffled drums, and the occasional tolling of a bell far away. The sober aspect of the people all the day, the wailing peals of minor music from the hundred bands, the houses draped with mourning, the innumerable flags bound with black and hanging at half-mast, the profuse and accumulated signs of a true sorrow, have made the day for-ever memorable to all who looked on.

As the solemn and stately car went by, holding proudly up, under the canopy and among the flowers, the silver-fringed coffin of the martyr, his own words over the dead at Gettysburg were the most fitting : " The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here." For his great work here was the noble use of qualities without which no public man can be sincerely lamented nor any state safe. ABRAHAM LINCOLN triumphed by his honesty, by his fidelity, by his magnanimity, by his prudence, by his moderation. His greatness was his eminence in the characteristics which our public men have most wanted. He was called slow and doubtful, a man needing to be pushed and pulled, while his steadfastness was sublime. He moved toward his purpose as surely as the year unfolds from spring into summer. There are chilly days, and clouds, and showers, and sometimes frosts, but the blossom is steadily opening into the flower, and the flower, ripening into the fruit, and ever the air is softer and kinder. It was so with him, and so the popular trust in him grew. No man imagined what a hold he had upon the national heart until the election, The revelation was startling. It was an involuntary tribute to character without parallel. And how much closer even than then the bond that bound him to the people this truly grieving country shows.

The oration in Union Square by Mr. BANCROFT was noble. Its lofty tone, its masterly comprehensiveness, its sincere eloquence, and the nervous purity of its style, distinguish it among all the f no addresses which the melanchtIy event has inspired, It seems to us that

Mr. BANCROFT has never surpassed this brief, heroic, and dignified discourse. New York could have chosen no fitter orator to bid the great, good President hail and farewell.

Across the land then, home to the prairies, which will greet his coming with all their flowery splendor, passes our chief and best. Along the way he came four years ago, to do a work harder than WASHINGTON'S—he returns, and the work is done. As he left his home he asked his neighbors, who knew and loved him, to pray for him in his strange and unknown task. Home he comes again, and with prayers and tears and stricken hearts they receive him, whom we all know and love now. Home he comes again, dead, but living forever. And we who through the clouds of our present sorrow behold the serene triumph of his life, stronger by his strength, wiser by his wisdom, more faithful by his fidelity, more magnanimous by his marvelous magnanimity, turn again to serve his honored memory by continuing his work in his own spirit.

NAPOLEON'S JULIUS CAESAR.

THE first volume of Louis NAPOLEON'S " History of Julius Caesar" is now published in handsome library form and also in a convenient popular edition by the HARPERS. This volume ends with CAESAR'S election as Consul and the exile of CICERO.

Louis NAPOLEON is too conspicuous a man to be an unknown author. Even if his work were very poor it would be universally read. But written as it is with ample preparation, and to maintain a proposition which his life is endeavoring to enforce, it has a remarkable interest. When in the nineteenth century of Christianity au emperor elaborately defines and defends the imperialism of the last age of Paganism as a final and necessary law of human society, every thoughtful man will wish to know what he has to say. Besides, a man who passes from the ridiculous melodrama of Boulogne and Strasbourg to the terrible realities of the coin d'etat, and leaps from lodgings in Leicester Square to the Tuileries, shows at least, that he has power of some kind, and if he professes also to have principles, it is certainly worth while to know what they are.

The work is very carefully written. It opens with a rapid survey of Roman history before the birth of CAESAR, that the stage may be properly set for the entrance of the principal figure. Tile reflections are sometimes excellent, sometimes utterly commonplace and amusing. The danger to any state of an inflexible conservatism which would hold the Past unchanged is very well and pointedly set forth. Indeed the author's implication, if not his argument, is, that CATO, CICERO, HORTENSIUS, and their friends, by refusing to bend, forced CAESAR to break. If the conservatives had yielded to the necessity of reform to save the state, CAESAR would not have been compelled to overthrow it. This, also, is NIEBUHR'S view. But it is the old dispute.

Of course LOUIS NAPOLEON rejects the theory of personal motives in CAESAR. He was simply the purest patriot, the noblest Roman of them all. Yet the author's admiration of his hero hardly surpasses that of MERIVALE—a most conscientious and painstaking historian, who uses less color in his portraits than any recent writer of history. The Frenchman's view, however, contrasts strangely with that of the thorough Englishman, Dr. ARNOLD, to whom Julius

CAESAR was only a robber and murderer upon a great scale. MERIVALE calls CAESAR " the greatest name in history." ARNOLD says: "Never did any man occasion so large an amount of misery with so little provocation." NIEBUHR says : " Had he lived in a republican age he would never have thought of setting himself above the law ; but he belonged to a period when he had no choice between being either the anvil or the hammer." Louis NAPOLEON says: " When Providence raises up such men as CAESAR, CHARLEMAGNE, and NAPOLEON, it is to trace out to peoples the path they ought to follow; to stamp with the seal of their genius a new era ; and to accomplish in a few years the labor of many centuries."

IN STATE.

BENEATH the vast and vaulted dome That copes the Capitol, he lies; It is a dreary, dreary night;

The stars in their eternal home

Seem like the sad ethereal eyes

Of seraphs, filled with tender light.

The Capitol is wrapped in mist;

Strangely the shadows come and go

The dome seems floating into air, Upborne by unseen hands, I wist—In solemn state he lies below, His pure hands folded as in prayer.

MAP OF MOBILE AND MOBILE BAY