This Site:
Civil War
Civil War Overview
Civil War 1861
Civil War 1862
Civil War 1863
Civil War 1864
Civil War 1865
Civil War Battles
Confederate Generals
Union Generals
Confederate History
Robert E. Lee
Civil War Medicine
Lincoln Assassination
Slavery
Site Search
Civil War Links
Civil War Art
Mexican War
Republic of Texas
Indians
Winslow Homer
Thomas Nast
Mathew Brady
Western Art
Civil War Gifts
Robert E. Lee Portrait
|
FOLLOWING THE DRUM.
"Kiss me good-by, my dear!" he
said;
"When I come back we will be
wed."
Crying, she kissed him, "Good-by,
Ned!"
And the soldier followed the
drum,
The drum,
The echoing, echoing drum.
Rataplan! Rataplan! Rataplan!
Follow me, follow me, each true
man; Living or dying, strike while you can!
And the soldiers followed the
drum,
The drum,
The echoing, echoing drum.
Proudly and firmly marched off
the men,
Who had a sweet-heart thought of
her then; Tears were coming, but brave lips smiled when
The soldiers followed the drum,
The drum,
The echoing, echoing drum.
One, with a woman's curl next to
his heart,
He felt her last smile pierce
like a dart;
She thought "death in life" comes
when we part
From soldiers following the drum,
The drum,
The echoing, echoing drum.
HARPER'S WEEKLY.
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1862.
THE
FRENCH PROPOSAL TO
MEDIATE.
MONSIEUR DROUYN DE L'HUYS, the
new French Minister of State, appears to have inaugurated his accession to power
by a proposal addressed to the British and Russian Governments, to the effect
that they should mediate in our war. We are not yet in possession of the precise
terms of the proposal. But we gather from
Earl Russell's reply that the French
Government, anxious to avert further effusion of blood, and further sufferings
by the working-classes in Europe, proposed to the British and Russian
Governments that they should jointly tender their good offices as mediators to
the Government at
Washington, and simultaneously to the
insurgents at Richmond, with a view to ascertain whether some adjustment of the
pending strife could not be discovered. It does not appear that the French offer
went beyond this, for Earl Russell in his reply observes that "a refusal from
Washington at the present time would prevent any speedy renewal of the offer of
the Government:" from which it may fairly be inferred that it was not proposed
to follow up unsuccessful attempts to mediate by armed intervention.
This proposal Great Britain
declined to entertain, as appears by a dispatch from Earl Russell dated November
13; for the reason that "there is no ground at the present moment to hope that
the Federal Government would accept the proposal suggested." Russia would appear
to have simultaneously declined to act upon the French suggestions, though the
Czar seems to have promised to support any endeavors which may be made by
England and France.
Upon these replies the Moniteur,
the official organ of the French Government, remarks that they settle the
question of mediation for the present.
We have thus, in any event, a
further breathing spell, during which, if we are alive to the emergency, and
true to ourselves, we may do enough toward the suppression of the rebellion to
secure another and a final adjournment of the mediation scheme.
For our part we have never
regarded the foreign intervention bugbear with much concern, nor do we now.
Diplomatic offers to mediate will possess no more practical importance than the
speeches of Mr. John Van Buren to our "wayward sisters." The only thing we have
ever had to fear is actual armed intervention with armies and fleets; and that,
at the present time, would be at least as perilous to the nations intervening as
to ourselves. Our navy is rapidly assuming proportions, both in regard to the
class and the number of the vessels composing it, which will enable us to cope
with the combined navies of Europe. Before any combined European military and
naval expedition could be got ready and sent across the Atlantic, there is
reason to believe that we shall be in possession of every port where they could
effect a landing with a view to ulterior operations. We are in a very different
position now from what we were when the
Trent affair occurred. And though European
intervention would of course protract the war, and render our task more severe
than it is, it would do at least as much injury to the powers which intervened
as to us. If they bombarded Portland, we might bombard Liverpool. If they
captured our ships, we should capture theirs. They might try to send the Warrior
to "lie broadside to the streets of New York and Hoboken," and she might get
there, or not, as the affair turned out. But we know that Farragut could do in
the Thames what he did in the Mississippi, and steam up to London Bridge with a
fleet of impregnable iron-clads. So of the French. They might do us a vast deal
of mischief, no doubt. But if the war began, we fancy that a good many French
ports would be demolished before it ended; the tubs
baptized
La Gloire and La Normandie would have gone to
their last reckoning under the 15-inch shot of our Monitors; and the brave
little French army in Mexico would never see la belle France again. Would the
game be worth the candle in either case? We think not, and therefore we have
never believed in foreign armed intervention. Both England and France know too
well what war costs to rush into it without a well-defined and substantial
object.
It has been a great misfortune
for this country that the Emperor of the French, who is a fair man and naturally
well disposed toward the United States, should have been represented here ever
since the war began by Monsieur Mercier—a man heartily hostile to us and to our
institutions, and cordially friendly to the rebels and their institutions. So
little discretion has this Frenchman possessed that he has never made the least
secret of his sympathy with the rebels. He has poured into every ear to which he
had access his confident predictions of the success of the rebellion, and his
joy at the prospect. He has been the foremost of the rebel sympathizers at
Washington in deriding our troops, vilifying our Government, sneering at our
generals, and eulogizing our enemies. Not even the knaves who abuse us at so
much a column in the London Times have been more malevolent and more basely
unjust than this French embassador. Equally forgetful of the traditions of his
own country and of the respect he owed to ours, as a foreign minister resident
here, he has made himself prominent for two years as an apologist for slavery, a
foe to freedom, and an ally of the worst enemies the French ever had. We have
reason to know—what can be readily believed—that this man's dispatches to his
Government have uniformly accorded with his conversation in society. If the
Emperor has relied upon him for information about this country, he may honestly
believe that all hopes of the restoration of the Union are ended; that the North
is on the eve of exhaustion; that our armies will not fight; that our generals
do not know how to lead them; that the South is stronger than ever; that theirs
is the cause of justice and right, and ours the cause of wrong and oppression.
Some of these representations may have been corrected by Mr. Dayton. But there
must still have remained a sufficient number uncorrected to create a bias in the
Emperor's mind. We do not believe that the Emperor will ever pursue any policy
which may have the effect of introducing into the family of nations a state
"based on the corner-stone of human slavery." But we might have enjoyed more
active sympathy from our old ally, France, had she not been represented here, at
this critical time, by a man equally devoid of political wisdom and moral
convictions, and possessing neither the decency to refrain from making his
embassy a head-quarters for rebel sympathizers, nor the self-respect to withdraw
from a court where he is universally and intensely hated and despised.
For us, this mediation scheme
should teach us one lesson, and one only—to hasten the work of putting down the
rebellion. There is not an hour to be lost. Every day wasted by
Burnside,
Rosecrans,
Grant,
McClernand, Banks,
Porter,
Farragut, and
Dupont increases the danger of foreign
troubles. If the winter passes without very substantial gains by the Union arms,
the suffering poor of Europe, the hostile aristocrats of England, and the rebel
sympathizers in France will revive the mediation scheme in the spring, perhaps
in a more menacing shape than it has yet assumed. The present is ours: let us
use it. The future is in the hands of Fate.
THE
ARBITRARY ARREST
BUSINESS.
THE
Secretary of War has ordered the liberation of
all parties at present confined in prison on charges of discouraging enlistments
and interfering with the draft. The order would have carried more weight if
Mr. Stanton had not commenced his career by
denouncing arbitrary arrests, and then proceeded to arrest ten persons for every
one arrested by his predecessor. Such as it is, however, it meets a very decided
public wish. Nothing has been more clearly proved in the course of the recent
canvas and election than the deep-seated aversion of the people of the North to
the system of arbitrary arrests inaugurated some eighteen months ago. When the
war broke out, and black-hearted traitors at the North menaced us with divisions
at home, and transmitted intelligence, arms, supplies, and every kind of aid and
comfort to rebels in arms, loyal people were so overwhelmed by the dread of an
utter destruction of our nationality that they thought of nothing but the
danger, and were ready to acquiesce in any measures, however arbitrary or
illegal, which the imminence of the crisis might seem to require. But experience
has proved in this, as in all other cases, that it is unsafe to trust any man or
set of men with the power to override the law. Of the arrests which have been
made by order of the Government within the past eighteen months a few were
probably wise and useful; but the great bulk were foolish and injurious. Most of
them were well and loyally meant, no doubt; but many were unjustifiable, and
very few of them really did good to the cause which they were intended
to serve. Obscure editors and
noisy talkers have been locked up, and the wrongs they have endured have given
an influence to their disloyalty which it could never have otherwise acquired.
Spurious patriots have been enabled to enlist popular chivalry against the
Government by feigned fear of Fort Lafayette. In some cases ignorance on the
part of subordinate officers of Government, in others malice have inflicted
unpardonable wrongs on innocent men. On the whole,
Mr. Lincoln can hardly fail to realize that he
would have been stronger, and the rebellion would have been no better off, if no
one had ever been sent to
Fort Lafayette but prisoners of war.
Difficulties, hardly defined as
yet, are shadowed in the future in connection with this matter of arbitrary
arrests. It is not easy to perceive what may be the upshot of Mrs. Brinsmade's
case, of which the enemies of the Government are making good use. But it is well
understood that
Mr. Seymour, on assuming office as Governor of
New York, will hasten to join issue with the Administration on this subject, and
an unpleasant collision of authority may ensue. Ex-Secretary Cameron has been
once arrested, and held for trial on charges of illegal imprisonment brought
against him by a person whom he had sent to Fort Lafayette when Secretary of
War; more recently, on his return from Russia, he passed through this city with
such circumstances of mystery that it is reported he was fearful of further
molestation of a like character. In circles likely to be tolerably well
informed, it is openly boasted that Mr. Stanton dare not come to New York, and
Mr. Seward himself has been similarly
threatened.
We know not how much there may be
in these innuendoes and threats, nor what may be precisely the legal
responsibility of the members of
the Cabinet for acts committed by them under
orders of the President. But there is enough in the present aspect of the matter
to create grave uneasiness in the minds of those who realize how much comfort
dissensions of ours would impart to the enemy, and how much weakness they would
involve for ourselves. What is past can not now be mended, however, and we must
make the best of it. But it may be hoped that we have seen the last of the
exhibitions of fatal zeal which were developed in the arbitrary arrests of the
past eighteen months.
OVER THE SEA.
THAT nothing may be wanting to
complete the alienation of European sympathy from the cause of civil order as
maintained by this Government, the London Times has established a
Richmond correspondence, and has recently
printed the first of a series of letters designed to show the devotion and
gallantry of the rebels, the baseness and cowardice of the loyal citizens of
this country, and the utter futility and hopelessness of the war. Except for
their gun-boats, says the correspondent, the Yankees would long since have been
"whipped out of their boots" by a population infinitely inferior in numbers, but
overpowering in earnestness of purpose and unity of action. The army of the
rebels, he writes, is made up of the blue blood of the Southern aristocracy,
that of the North is but a crowd of hired foreigners, who were hurled by the
strong hand of
General Lee like a flock of "huddled sheep"
upon Washington. Meanwhile perfect security, perfect repose, perfect confidence
reign in Richmond and throughout the South, while desolation and rapine follow
the movements of the Northern barbarians, who regret their dead only because of
the longer delay in restoring the vanished Union.
The letter is written with
specious skill, and it is an illustration of the greater sagacity with which
European sentiment has been manipulated by the rebels. For many years the
foreign representatives of this country had been in political sympathy with the
South. They were either slave-holders themselves or the apologists of slavery,
or they sealed their mouths. When the rebellion declared itself many of these
men heartily hoped for its success. John O'Sullivan, late minister to Portugal,
has published a work in London fully justifying the rebellion. James Williams,
late Minister to Turkey, a man who glories in the fact that he was always a
disunionist, and that he always voted the ticket that promised most for the
cause of disunion, and who, now that the actual struggle has come, with true
"chivalric" instinct gathers his goods and leaves the country forever, has also
shot a Parthian arrow, entitled "The South Vindicated." Mr. Stiles, former
Minister to Austria, is a Colonel or General in the rebel army. Mr. Ward,
Minister to China, is an open rebel. Mr. Faulkner, late Minister to France, is a
Virginian ringleader of rebellion. These men and many others had, of course,
prepared the European mind for an utterly perverted and false view of the
situation.
But besides this, the rebels have
taken care to operate directly upon that mind since the rebellion took the
field. They have subsidized the foreign press. They have filled Europe with
public and private emissaries. In the clubs, in the salons, they have placed
accomplished agents, who have faithfully done their work; so that Mr. Mill is
entirely correct in saying, in the last number of the Westminster Review, in an
article upon the masterly work of Professor Cairnes, that one chief reason of
the English hatred of the American cause is to be found in the total ignorance
of the facts of the case.
What have we done to counteract
this enormous
influence? Mr. Motley, who
resided in England when the war began, published his admirable pamphlet, and in
the high society to which he had access, most manfully told the truth and
maintained the cause of his country and justice. But even he could not delay for
a day the issue of the British proclamation of equal belligerence. In Paris the
American salons were in full sympathy with the rebellion, and the position of
Mr. Slidell has unquestionably entirely overborne in influence that of Mr.
Dayton. Mr. Marsh in Turin has been most faithful, intrepid, and able; but he
was for a long time embarrassed by a secretary who was entirely false to the
country, while Cavour, the great Italian minister, who saw the whole scope of
the struggle, died just as it commenced.
One of the eminent hopes of the
rebellion was European sympathy. It was as much our duty to combat it as to
fight in the field. Whenever and however the enemy appeared and worked, it was
our duty to precede and overpower him. We should have established the ablest and
most incessant correspondence from America. We should have subsidized the press.
We should have filled Europe with able and loyal men, fitted for the special
task of affecting opinion. In a word, we should have done, but more amply,
exactly what the rebels have done.
Of course, the reason of our
remissness is the old reason. We did not believe that there was to be a great
war. We did not anticipate the hostility of foreign sentiment. We did not
understand the desperate gravity and earnestness of our condition. A dissolution
of the Union seemed to us hardly less than a renunciation of religion. It might
be threatened, but it was impossible. The attempt, even if made, must be
hopeless. Why guard against a shadowy danger, and by the very gravity of our
preparation announce our conviction of serious peril? The Secretary of State
wrote masterly dispatches to our ministers, which they read to foreign
Governments. But they were necessarily powerless to affect public opinion, for
they were not published until that opinion was already settling in the wrong
direction.
Henceforth our duty is simple
enough. Vigor and success in the field; a stern, radical policy in the whole
management of the war: these, and these only, will subdue the rebellion and
frustrate the consequences of European hostility.
DISCIPLINE.
THE rebels claim, not without
some show of reason, that the fact that they dare to maintain the strictest
military discipline in their army is an evidence of their superior earnestness.
They argue that no people accustomed to the habits of liberty would submit to
the necessary restraints and hardships of discipline except from the most
profound and vital conviction of the importance of their cause. Thus rebel
deserters have been shot. Rebel stragglers from the ranks are disgraced and
publicly branded. The rebels are willing, in making war, to make it according to
the rules of war.
The want of discipline with us is
felt not only in the army, but in public sentiment. The national mind comes very
slowly to the perception that we must beat or be beaten. The stupid and criminal
twaddle about "Wayward sisters" still confuses many minds, Vance was elected
"Union" Governor of North Carolina against a "Secession" candidate, at least
such a meaning was ascribed to his nomination. But when Governor Stanly sends
some proposition of negotiation, Governor Vance replies that "the last drop
shall flow," etc. If Governor Stauly did actually make any overtures toward
negotiation with rebels in arms, it is to be earnestly desired that he may be
recalled.
It is essential to our speedy
success that we should be thoroughly persuaded of the cardinal truth that the
way of peace is first subjugation and then reconstruction. There is no use in
continually besotting our minds with phrases. The great mass of the rebels have
of late years always hated the people they called "Yankees." The experience of
every observing man is conclusive upon this point. They have not indeed insulted
every individual Northerner. But they have despised and somewhat feared the mass
of Northerners as peddlers and tinkers; and they have cordially hated the
political principle and the social spirit of Northern civilization. This
feeling, which may be denied, but which will be acknowledged by the multitude of
thoughtful observers in the country, has been exasperated to the last degree by
the war. And it is clear that, unless there be treachery upon our part, there
will be no possibility of the restoration of any relations whatever with the
rebels except after they are subdued by force of arms—that is to say, until they
are coerced, conquered, subjugated.
If we are not willing to see that
and to say it, then we are not willing to do our work. Our great necessity is
the discipline of the national mind by and to that conviction. Let us once
thoroughly comprehend that we do not deal strictly with deserters because we do
not fully appreciate the deadly earnestness of the war, and either the necessary
vigor will at once appear or we shall patiently submit to disgrace and ruin.
TO
MY NEIGHBOR ACROSS THE PASSAGE.
MY DEAR NEIGHBOR,—You and I were
in the same corridor at the hotel last night, and it is a very narrow corridor
and very quiet. You came to bed just after twelve. You saw by the boots at the
doors of the neighboring rooms, and by the dark windows over them, that the
inmates had gone to sleep. Why did you bang your door until the house shook? Why
did you slam your boots upon the floor as if you were trying to drive a hole
through it? Why not learn how to shut a door? Why not place your boots quietly?
Why should you wake up those to whom sleep may be peculiarly necessary by a
perfectly unnecessary noise? Have you ever asked yourself how an ill-bred man
would behave if he were going to bed at (Next
Page)
|