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(Previous
Page) city, to the Navy-yard at Rocketts a distance of two miles --
including the laboratories, artillery-shops, arsenals, Franklin paper-mill, the
Petersburg and Danville depots, all the Commissary and Quarter-master buildings
on and near Fourteenth Street, Rahm's Foundry, and other buildings. By seven
o'clock A.M. nearly the whole city south of Main Street between Eighth and
Fifteenth streets, and Twentieth and Twenty-third streets was one great sea of
flame. The aspect of Main Street has been so completely changed by the fire,
that those best acquainted with the buildings can not point them out with
certainty; the street is an amphitheatre of crumbling walls and falling
chimneys. While the city was burning, about nine o'clock on Monday morning,
terrific shell explosions, rapid and continuous, added to the terror of the
scene, and led to the impression that the city was being shelled by the
retreating Confederate army from the Southside ; but the explosions were soon
ascertained to proceed from the Government arsenal and laboratory, then in
flames.
Other illustrations which we give
of the city of Richmond portray its present desolate aspect. We give a view of
Castle Thunder and of Libey Prison on page 252. In regard to the former of these
buildings we quote the following interesting description from the World :
Leaving Richmond proper, and
descending into the low, squalid portion of the town known as Rocketts, one sees
among the many large warehouses, used without exception for the storage of
tobacco, a certain one more irregular than the rest. An archway leads into it,
and upon the outside of the second story windows runs a long ledge or footway,
whereupon sentries used to stride, guarding the miserable people within. This is
the jail of Castle Thunder, and it was the civil or state prison of the capital.
We enter its strong portal, and there in the new commandant's room lay the
record left behind by the Confederates. Its pages made one shudder.
These are some of the entries:
"GEORGE BARTON giving food to
Federal prisoners of war; forty lashes upon the bare back. Approved. Sentence
carried into effect July 2.
" PETER B. INNIS passing forged
government notes; chain and ball for twelve months; forty lashes a day.
Approved.
"ARTHUR WRIGHT attempting to
desert to the enemy; sentenced to be shot. Approved. Carried into effect March
26.
"JOHN MORTON communicating with
the enemy; to be hung. Approved. Carried into effect March 26." In an inner room
are some fifty pairs of balls and chains, with anklets and handcuffs upon them,
which have bent the spirit and body of many a resisting heart. Within are two
condemned cells, perfectly dark a faded flap over the window peep hole the smell
from which would knock a strong man down.
For in their centre lies the
sink, ever open, and the floors are sappy with uncleanliness. To the right of
these a door leads to a walled yard not forty feet long, nor fifteen wide,
overlooked by the barred windows of the main prison rooms, and by sentry boxes
upon the wall top. Here the wretched were shot and hung in sight of their
trembling comrades. The brick wall at the foot of the yard is scarred and
crushed by balls and bullets which first passed through some human heart and
wrote here their damning testimony. The gallows had been suspended from a wing
in the ledge, and in mid air the impotent captive swung, none daring or willing
to say a good word for him; and not for any offense against God's law, not for
wronging his neighbor, or shedding blood, or making his kind miserable, but for
standing in the way of an upstart organization which his impulse and his
judgment alike impelled him to oppose. This little yard, bullet marked, close,
and shut from all sympathy, is to us the ghastliest spot in the world. Can Mr.
Davis visit it and pray as he does so devoutly afterward? When men plead the
justice of the South, and arguments are prompt to favor them, let this prison
yard rise up and say that no such crimes in Liberty's name have ever been
committed, on this continent, at least. Up stairs in Castle Thunder there are
two or three large rooms, barred and dimly lit, and two or three series of
condemned cells, pent up and pitchy, where, by a refinement of cruelty, the
ceiling has been built low so that no man can stand upright. Here fifteen or
twenty were crowded together, and in the burning atmosphere they stripped
themselves stark naked, so that when in the mornings the cell doors were opened
they came forth as from the grave begging for death. There are women's cells,
too; for this great and valiant Government recognized women as belligerents and
locked them up close to a sentry's cartridge, so that in the bitterness of
solitude they were unsexed, and railed, and blasphemed like wanton things. The
pavements before the jail were hidden by remorseless guards who shot at every
rag fluttering from the cages, and all this little circle of death in life was
enacted close to the light, river, and under the cover of that high Capitol
where bold men held the sinews of war to wring from a reluctant Union a little
path of arrogant independence to rein civilization as they pleased, and warp the
destinies of our race. Now only a few renegade soldiers he in Castle Thunder.
The captives who survived the fame of the city made a perilous descent from the
windows and scaled the dead walls.
The " Libey" is now occupied by
rebel prisoners, and our artist has taken the moment of their occupation for the
sketch which we have engraved.
HARPER'S WEEKLY.
SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1865.
PALM SUNDAY.
UNDER the shadow of waving palms
the Prince of Peace rode into the holy city ; and on the festival that
commemorates that day, Peace, amidst sheathed swords, returned to our beloved
country. So great an event our history has not known. For Peace, under her
joyous palms, brings Justice and Union. The light that mildly beams from her
starry brow is the light of liberty. The flag that was lowered in sorrow and
shame four years ago, now floats again in serene triumph, and no man
henceforward will doubt what that flag means.
It is not possible in the moment
of jubilee to comprehend the scope of this event. The victory that has been won
is not selfish or limited. It is not an American victory only. It is the
vindication of the equal rights of men every where. " Man," says the historian
MERIVALE, speaking of Junius CAESAR, "can not defy mankind with impunity." No
class, no privilege, no theory, which involves permanent injustice to men can
withstand the course of civilization. That God works in history is only a way of
saying that the progress of human development will inevitably assert itself
against all resistance. Four years ago it was hard for us
in this country to believe that
we, too, must be forced through blood and sorrow to defend this truth. We
thought we fully believed it. But in the fierce glare of war we can now see that
even this sharp and bitter struggle was necessary to establish our own
principles not only before the world but in our own hearts.
Let us thank God that we have not
faltered. Let us rejoice that, through all the doubt and darkness, through the
fires of opposing guns, and the sneers and taunts and skepticism of those who
believed and wished those fires might prevail, the great heart of the American
people has beat steadily on to victory. Nor less will we thank God that the
young and noble who obeyed the call of their brave souls, and, leaving all that
makes life dear and lovely, gladly died that their country might live, have not
died in vain. Peace may return, but the precious darlings of a thousand hearts
and homes shall return no more. Those whose names shone in dying, and those who
fell unnamed in the heroic ranks, were not divided in their deaths, and shall
forever share a common gratitude and glory. And by the love we bore them and
they bore us, by the untold and unimaginable sacrifice, let us fervently pray
that God may strengthen us to secure the victory they have won, and perpetuate a
peace which will not shame their memory, and that Palm Sunday may henceforth be
the symbol of a national repose founded upon that true brotherhood which the
Prince of Peace proclaimed.
WHAT
NEXT ?
THE overwhelming victory of the
Government turns every mind to the consideration of the means of restoring its
normal and tranquil operation. But in our present ignorance of the real
condition of public sentiment at the South, it is impossible to do more than see
what should not be done. The victory of the Government must not be thrown away.
The terrible war, under which the country pants and bleeds, must not have been
fought in vain. Justice, liberty, and peace must not be imperiled in a swash of
weakness called by a fine name. If the Southerners are our brethren, the
Northerners are not less so. If we ought not to punish deluded rebels, neither
ought we to betray true men.
We all say, and undoubtedly not
without reason, that the South was unwillingly precipitated into rebellion, and
that only certain leaders are actually morally guilty. But there can be no doubt
whatever that the heart of the South had been long and systematically alienated
from the Union. The doctrine of State sovereignty, sedulously taught, had
destroyed all true sense and pride of nationality. " In every house," said a
Southerner who served two years in the rebel army, and was never north of
Mason
and DIXON'S line until he was brought as a prisoner, " the works of
CALHOUN lay
side by side with the Bible." That the United States Government was a league of
consenting sovereign powers, each of which might withdraw at its pleasure, was a
fundamental article of faith. The Southerners were proud of being Carolinians,
Georgians, Virginians, not of being Americans. "Yankee" was a term of contempt
and reproach, and the free expression of opinion by American citizens in the
South, if unfavorable to slavery, was punished and annihilated by every form of
insult and crime, from a glass of wine flung in the face at the table of " the
hospitable Southern gentleman," to the arrest and trial by a secret committee,
and hanging, burning, maiming, and expulsion, according to the whim of the mob.
Such things reveal the state of
public opinion. Hostility to the Union and to the essential principles of a free
government were not exceptional at the South ; they were general. They were
carefully enforced by every appeal to the basest prejudice and the profoundest
ignorance. Millions of American citizens, of the greatest intelligence and of
the highest character, could venture into the whole Southern section of their
country only at the risk of outrage and the peril of their lives, or upon
condition of the most shameful and treacherous silence. The union of sympathy,
of purpose, of national pride and feeling, was gone long before the shot at
Sumter ; and such a union can be restored only by time and careful thought, by
patience and unshrinking firmness, not by sentimental emotion.
We recall these facts not for the
sake of recrimination but of instruction. It was cowardice, calling itself
conservatism, that led us into the war ; and we may be very sure that blindness,
calling itself magnanimity, will not lead us out of it. If we would establish
the Government in tranquil permanence, we must look backward as well as forward.
The Southern people, who had
grown up in ignorance and prejudice, the extent of which we can hardly
comprehend, and who have been deluded into the active support of so enormous a
conspiracy, have been deluded because their minds were prepared for delusion.
Even
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS who was not considered peculiarly a Southern man, and
to whom many persons now look as a possible mediator diligently fostered this
delusion. He was a Union man in the Southern sense. That is to say, he
believed that the Union was
essential to the prosperity of the South, but upon the sole condition that the
South controlled the Government in its own interest. When he retired from
Congress, in 1858, he publicly stated that he withdrew because he was not
needed, because the South had carried every point in the long debate with the
North, and because its future supremacy in the Union was absolutely assured by
the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. " The Union," said
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS and we quote his words " has always been to me, and ought
to be to you, subordinate to Southern security in it." This was said two years
before the war, and neither CALHOUN nor JEFFERSON DAVIS ever stated the doctrine
of secession more forcibly or persuasively. His famous " Union" speech at
Milledgeville, before the Georgia Legislature, in November,1860, was an effort
to show that dissolution was an unnecessary risk even for the purposes of the
South, enforced by a prophecy of the horrors of war. It was a passionate appeal
to the South to remember that it had always controlled the Government ; that the
election of
Mr. LINCOLN, while the South held the Senate, the House, and the
Supreme Court, did not really endanger its policy ; and that if it only stood
fast it would control the Union forever, and permanently establish the state of
things then existing, which was a practical subversion of the essential
principles of the Government. And when he asked
TOOMBS why, under the
circumstances, he wished to risk every thing by drawing the sword, the fiery
TOOMBS replied, substantially, " Don't be uneasy. I will agree to drink every
drop of blood that will be shed in the war ; and I draw the sword only to show
the edge, and precipitate by terror, and the consequent submission of the
country, the very supremacy of the South in the Union which you advocate."
The public sentiment of the South
was radically hostile to the Union because it was opposed to the principles upon
which alone the Union was possible. If it could have its own way it was
satisfied. If it could suppress free speech, if it could indefinitely extend
slavery, and prostitute the National Government to its protection by giving it a
Constitutional sanction, as STEPHENS believed it had effectively done, it was.
willing to continue to use the Union as its tool. This, and this only, was the
Unionism of the South. It was a Union subordinate to State sovereignty. It was a
Union which had no power of coercion except against the enemies of the Southern
policy. It was a Union whose Government had no right to enforce its authority
against any citizen of the United States if the State in which he lived released
him from his allegiance. And it was because this was not only the argument of
the leaders but the conviction of the people of the South, that those leaders
were able to begin and maintain with remarkable unanimity of popular support
this long and strenuous rebellion against the national authority.
The practical question now is how
much this opinion is changed by the war. Cannon conquer, but they do not
necessarily convert. The South has learned that it can not establish State
sovereignty by force of arms ; but does it any the less believe that every State
is rightfully sovereign ? If it still holds that view, can the Government of the
United States wisely recognize the resumption of political power by the people
of the South until it is satisfied that that power will not be used against the
Union ? Must not the resumption of that power be preceded by an acknowledgment
upon oath, in every instance, of the supreme authority of the nation, and the
relinquishment of the doctrine of State sovereignty in the Southern sense ? Is
the present triumph of the national power to prove merely that this particular
revolt of State sovereignty has failed, or that all rebellion upon that ground
is hereafter to be impossible ? Unless we utterly mistake the feeling of the
American people, they are resolved that no man shall henceforth serve in their
army or navy who recognizes any flag before the Stars and Stripes ; nor any man
sit in their Congress who does not solemnly swear that he holds the Government
of the United States, and not of any individual State, to be the supreme
political authority in the country. We have no less faith in the common sense
than in the magnanimity of the nation.
GRANT.
ELEVEN months ago on the 3d of
May, 1864
General GRANT broke up on the Rapidan, and advanced toward Richmond.
The route he chose had been declared impracticable. The army that confronted him
was the choicest force of the enemy, long and carefully trained, and led by
their most trusted chief. The preparation upon both sides had been most
elaborate and prolonged, and the issue of the campaign was the life or death of
a nation. The battles that followed were tremendous and sanguinary. The loss
upon both sides was enormous, and will never be known. Driven back step by step,
slowly retreating toward Richmond, the rebel General disputed every mile.
Flanked and worsted, he still held his army compact and effective. Receding
before the terrible blows in his front, he still guarded his rear, and, post
ing himself outside his capital,
was suddenly forced into the works that immediately defended it by one of the
most daring and successful of military movements.
When GRANT crossed the James he
had demonstrated that his route to Richmond was not only the best, because it
entirely covered
Washington, but was the most effective, because it had so
fearfully disabled LEE'S army. He had not indeed driven it in a rout, nor
compelled its surrender. He had the further disadvantage of an entire failure in
his subsidiary movements in the Shenandoah and to the south of Richmond, and
there were good military critics who thought that his campaign had failed. But
they did not know the man. They did not remember Vicksburg or Chattanooga. GRANT
said, quietly, " I shall fight it out on this line, if it takes all summer." It
did take all summer and all winter. But he fought it out, and obliterated the
army and the cause of his antagonist together.
The whole career of
Lieutenant-General GRANT shows the most profound comprehension of the rebellion,
and the most absolute mastery of the means necessary to suppress it. An earnest,
faithful, silent man, he understood both the spirit and the resources of the
enemy. Consequently he struck heavily at both. The loss of life in the
Wilderness was fearful. Timid folk and traitors were appalled, and called him a
butcher. The devastation of the Shenandoah was terrible. The same objectors
exclaimed that it was inhuman. General GRANT knew that to reduce the rebellion
it was necessary to kill men and to destroy provision. He knew that the
sacrifice of life on our side was the shortest and least bloody way to peace,
because it compelled a greater loss upon the enemy's. We could better lose a
hundred lives than they could lose ten. And in his position fighting was
imperative.
But while thus he struck at their
resources of life and food, and sat before Richmond, holding the doomed city and
LEE'S army in both hands, he ordered
THOMAS to extinguish HOOD, and then
SHERMAN
to advance, that the spirit of the rebellion might be ruined at home and its
prestige destroyed abroad, by showing that it was a crust, and that the people
of the South had resigned their defense to their army. The great march of
SHERMAN to Savannah, and northward into the heart of North Carolina, revealed
this truth. GRANT had demonstrated that LEE'S army was the rebellion.
From that moment the cardinal
necessity of his position was to prevent LEE'S escape and transfer of the field
of war. If he could hold him to a battle for the defense of Richmond, and in
case of success cut off his retreat, there would be no alternative but
surrender, and in
LEE'S surrender the rebellion would fall. To this end he moved
out upon his extreme left to secure the interior line in the event of victory.
The battle began, and turned, as GRANT intended, upon
SHERIDAN at the extreme
left, as the pivot. The indomitable energy and soldierly skill of SHERIDAN did
exactly the work upon which GRANT counted ; and then the masterly ability of the
Lieutenant-General, seconded by the glorious and tireless valor of his soldiers,
struck the blow he had designed, broke through the enemy's lines, compelled a
hasty evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and at the same moment loosened his
own victorious columns to the left that he might complete the work. How he
completed it is already history.
It was reserved for the modest
soldier who practically finished the war at the West to end it at the East, and
to end it not only with the most prompt and effective support of all his noble
lieutenants but with their profound admiration and sympathy, while the country
pays now, and will forever pay, the homage of its unqualified gratitude to his
genius and his spotless character. For it is not the least of "the crowning
mercies" of these days, that our political and military chiefs are men upon
whose simple, earnest, unselfish devotion to their country no taint of suspicion
was ever breathed ; and our children will be forever grateful that our national
salvation was achieved by the people under two such leaders as ABRAHAM LINCOLN
and ULYSSES S. GRANT.
ROBERT E. LEE.
THAT the general satisfaction
with the surrender of LEE should beget a kind feeling for the rebel General is
not unnatural. But it is a great folly to invest him with any romance.
ROBERT E.
LEE may be an honest man, as doubtless many of the rebels were, but beyond that
he has no claim of any kind whatever upon the regard of the American people.
His story is very briefly told.
Educated an army officer, he acknowledged the doctrine of State sovereignty,
and, honestly holding it, he followed his State when she seceded. Now even if a
man believed that his State had a right to secede at her pleasure, if he thought
the occasion insufficient, as LEE confessed he did, lie would silently
acquiesce, and no more. But if the occasion were infamous, if the object of the
exercise of State sovereignty at such enormous peril to the lives and happiness
of his fellow citizens were nothing but the perpetuity of human slavery, a noble
and generous man would (Next
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