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Robert E. Lee Portrait
WE give on the preceding page a
picture of the operation of FILLING CARTRIDGES at the
States Arsenal at Watertown, Massachusetts. At this establishment
some 300 operatives are kept constantly at work making war material. The powder
(of which the best is used, a large quantity which came back from the
war being thrown aside for fear it may not be good) is inserted in the cartridge
by men, as shown in the lower picture. The bullet is inserted by girls, as shown
in the picture above. At least seventy girls and women are kept constantly
employed at Watertown in this avocation. The amount of cartridges turned out
daily at this factory alone is enormous; and it is evident that, in the course
of a few weeks, there will be no lack of this material of war, at all events.
SATURDAY, JULY 20, 1861.
MR. DAVIS AND MR. RUSSELL.
IN April last, Mr. THEODORE R.
DAVIS, our artist-correspondent at Washington, applied to us for permission to
travel through the
Southern States in company with
WILLIAM H. RUSSELL, Esq., LL.D., Barrister at
Law, Correspondent of the London Times. We agreed to the proposal, stipulating
only that Mr. DAVIS should make such arrangements with Mr. RUSSELL as would
insure him facilities for sketching wherever the latter went, and that he should
be distinctly known as a member of Mr. RUSSEL'S party. It was already becoming
dangerous for Northern men to travel among the rebels, and we were not willing
that Mr. DAVIS should run any needless risk. In reply to a letter specifying
these as the conditions upon which we would agree to his proposal, Mr. DAVIS
I saw Mr. Russell yesterday, was
with him at the Navy-yard, and then was with him last night. He says, tell the
Editor of Harper's Weekly that I am charmed to have this young artist with me,
and will do him any kindness in my power.
Early in May last, after Messrs.
DAVIS and RUSSELL had left for the South, in an advertisement announcing the
advance in the price of the Weekly from five to six cents, we mentioned that we
had an artist with the Southern Army in Virginia, another with the
Seventh Regiment in Washington, a third in
Baltimore, and a fourth traveling with Mr.
RUSSELL through the
Southern States. This announcement elicited from Mr. RUSSELL
the following card, which was published in the Mobile Register of May 13:
To the Editor of the Mobile
SIR,—My, attention has been
called to a statement in Harper's Weekly, couched in the following words:
"The proprietors have dispatched
an artist to the South in company with Mr. Russell, correspondent of the London
In reference to that statement, I
have to observe that my companions are two, viz. : Mr. Ward, a personal friend,
who is kind enough to act as my secretary and traveling comrade, and who has no
connection whatever with any journal in the United or Confederate States, and
Mr. Davis, a young artist, who is taking sketches for the Illustrated London
News, and who assures me that he is not engaged by or connected with Harper's
Weekly, though he formerly sent sketches to that periodical.
My position is that of a neutral,
and I am employed on a mission that requires the utmost impartiality on my part,
although I shall claim for myself the utmost freedom in the expression of my
convictions and of my observations to the journal which I have the honor to
serve. The expression of these convictions and observations, however, is meant
only for England, and I shall not permit the position I occupy to be abused
under any circumstances whatever by those who accompany me, although I have
every reason to believe that their good faith would render such a guarantee or
assurance on my part unnecessary.
I have only to say in addition
that by this post I have forwarded to the paper in question a request that they
insert my formal denial of the statement which has occasioned this
communication. I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your faithful servant,
W. H. RUSSELL, LL.D., Barrister
The assertions embodied in the
above card are reaffirmed in the following communication, which we have received
from Mr. RUSSELL:
CAIRO, ILLINOIS, June 20, 1861.
To the Editor of Harper's Weekly,
SIR,—My attention has just been
called to a sketch in your journal of the 15th inst., which is stated, in the
letter-press underneath it, to have been taken by " our Artist who has been
traveling with W. H. Russell, LL.D., Barrister at Law."
This reiteration of an assertion
which I had already denied, in a note addressed to you from Mobile at least a
month before, leads me to think that my communication can not have been received
by you, particularly when I recall to mind a letter addressed to me at Jackson,
Mississippi, by an unknown correspondent at Natchez, who apprised me that a
statement had recently appeared in your journal distinctly asserting that I had
permitted a special artist, engaged to furnish its proprietors with
illustrations, to travel with use through the seceding States.
Being unable to meet with any
copies of the back numbers of your journal, so as to ascertain the exact words
of the statement, I beg to append the copy of a letter from the Hon. John
Forsyth, Mayor of Mobile, and late one of the Southern Commissioners at
Washington, elicited by a note which I addressed to him on the appearance of a
paragraph in a New York daily paper, to the effect that the editor of Harper's
Weekly was about to prove the correctness of his original statement, that he had
dispatched an artist to the South in my company, which I had contradicted in the
Mobile Register of the 12th or 13th ult., under the impression that my own word
would be taken in such a matter.
MOBILE, June 1, 1861. w. H.
DEAR SIR,—In reply to yours of
the 30th ult., I have to say that while you were in Mobile I took occasion in
your presence to call the attention of Mr. Davis to a paragraph in Harper's
Weekly, alleging that he was traveling in the South with Mr. Russell of the
London Times in the capacity of artist for that journal. I had two objects in
view—the first was to warn him of his danger in occupying an equivocal position,
and the second whether the suspicion entertained of his integrity by some
parties here was well or ill founded. Having met him in Washington, and become
interested in his youth and fine talents as an artist, I desired to save him
from trouble if he were innocent, as I believed he was; or to advise him to
leave the South if there was reason to doubt him. I thought. at the time, that
the young man exhibited some signs of embarrassment; but he certainly denied the
truth of the allegation in Harper, admitting that formerly he had worked for
that periodical, but that there was no subsisting engagement between them. This
induced your publication (as I understood it) in the Mobile Register, and
I remain, dear Sir,
Your friend and servant,
(Signed) JOHN FORSYTH.
I have only to add that I know
nothing of Mr. Theodore Davis except what he told me. He introduced himself to
me in a hook-shop at Washington, and begged he might be permitted to travel with
me to the South, assigning as his plea that he was engaged to take sketches for
the Illustrated London News, and that his previous connection with you might
possibly expose him to obstructions which would be removed if I gave him the
permission he so urgently entreated. If he came in any other capacity, it was
not only without my knowledge, but in contravention of truth and honor, for
which he is responsible.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient humble
W. H. Russell.
In reply, we have simply to state
that we have every reason to believe that Mr. RUSSELL knew, when he left
Washington, that Mr. DAVIS was going with him as the artist of Harper's Weekly,
and that nothing has since occurred which ought to have impaired his knowledge
of that fact.
Mr. THEODORE R. DAVIS writes us
HEAD-QUARTERS GENERAL WILLIAMS'S
MARTINSBURG, VIRGINIA, July 3. 1861
To the Editor of Harper's Weekly:
DEAR SIR,—Your letter, inclosing
that of Mr. Russell, is just received.
I regret exceedingly that my very
agreeable and instructive intercourse with Mr. Russell—for which I am deeply
indebted to him—should give rise to any misunderstanding however trivial. I can
not, however, in justice to the firm which I have the honor to represent in this
camp, suffer the shadow of a doubt to rest upon its integrity.
The history of my acquaintance
with W. H. Russell, Esq., LL.D., can be briefly stated. One morning in April
last, I met him in Frank Taylor's book store in Washington. In the course of a
little chat I informed him of my connection with Harper's Weekly, on which the
conversation turned upon our illustrated papers, and Dr. Russell invited me to
call upon him that evening. When we met, in his room, at the hour appointed, the
conversation turned upon Illustrated journalism; in the course of our talk Dlr.
Russell's proposed Southern tour was mentioned, and I had the honor of receiving
from him a cordial invitation to accompany him. I immediately communicated the
invitation to you, and as your note in reply led time to believe you approved of
my going South with Mr. Russell on certain conditions, I visited him again, and
read him the paragraph in your note referring to the proposed journey. His reply
was in substance as follows:
"'Tell the editor of Harper's
Weekly that I am very happy to have so pleasant a companion on my journey."
About a fortnight afterward I received a note from him announcing his
approaching departure, and we left accordingly together. Previous to my
departure I had been introduced to Mr. John Forsyth, and had informed him of the
engagement I was under with you. Mr. Forsyth politely invited me to go to Mobile
with himself and family. This courtesy I declined on the ground of my prior
engagement with Mr. Russell; and I did not meet Mr. Forsyth again till we
reached Mobile, when I was the recipient of fresh attentions at his hands.
One afternoon at Mobile, I found
Mr. John Forsyth in company with other gentlemen in Mr. Russell's private
parlor. Mr. Forsyth called my attention to a paragraph in the current number of
Harper's Weekly stating that you had "dispatched an artist to the South in
company with Mr. Russell."
I saw that a crisis had arrived.
The loyal tone of the Weekly had rendered it most obnoxious among the rebels.
Both Mr. Russell and Mr. Forsyth—both knowing perfectly well my connection with
Harper's Weekly—cast significant looks at me; the " other gentlemen," less
thoroughly informed, looked suspicious, and angry (I was afterward informed that
the house was surrounded and that I ran some risk of closing my career then and
there). Under the circumstances, feeling no thirst for martyrdom, no desire to
embarrass Mr, Russell who had been so kind to me, and—to tell you the truth—some
anger at you, for publishing a statement which might have rendered my journey
futile, and endangered my life, I simply replied that " the advertisement was
very strange, and I could not understand it." I permitted myself to be
represented as an artist drawing for the Illustrated London News; and this so
thoroughly satisfied the "other gentlemen" that they withdrew.
After they had gone, Mr. Russell
thoughtfully advised me to leave the Confederate States before copies of
Harper's Weekly containing my sketches should reach the South. I jocosely
assured him that there was little danger, as the chances were that my drawings
had been stolen from the mails by the secessionists—a prediction which was
I am very sorry indeed to be
placed in an attitude of antagonism to Mr. Russell, to whom I am indebted for
many favors and courtesies. But the fact is that both he and Mr. John Forsyth
were well aware, from their first acquaintance with me, that I was the special
artist of Harper's Weekly. And if my regard for them and for the interests of
the journal I represented induced me to keep my vocation a secret at an imminent
crisis in Mobile, I do not think I thereby acted dishonorably, or justified them
in denying what they previously knew.
As ever, faithfully yours,
THEODORE R. DAVIS.
We are bound to say, in justice
to Mr. Davis, whom we have ever found to he an honorable, truth-telling
gentleman, that other persons confirm his version of his relations with Mr
WILLIAM H. RUSSELL, LL.D., Barrister at Law. Thus Major BEN. PERLEY POORE, of
the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, whose word no one will doubt, writes us as
HEADQUARTERS MASS EIGHTH, CAMP
MARYLAND, June 28,'61.
To the Editor of Harper's Weekly:
My DEAR SIR,—It was announced
last spring in the Washington papers, and in the Washington correspondence of
the New York and Philadelphia papers, that Mr. Davis, your correspondent, was
about to accompany Mr. Russell Southward. I remember telling Mr. Davis that I
feared this announcement might annoy Mr. Russell.
Some days afterward I was invited
to the house of Mr. Franklin Philp to meet Mr. Russell. Mr. Davis was among the
guests, and I well remember that when Mr. Russell came in—at a late hour—he
greeted Mr. Davis as his traveling companion, etc., saying, pleasantly, " I
learn our arrangements through the press." We lingered at the supper-table, and
before leaving Mr. Russell again spoke to Mr. Davis about their journey
After Mr. Russell had left I
remember congratulating Mr. Davis on the certainty of his accompanying the " Own
Correspondent," which would enable him to obtain such interesting sketches for
Harper's Weekly. Such was the decided impression left on my mind after passing
the evening with the two gentlemen, and hearing Mr. Russell allude to their
I can not remember the exact
words used by Mr. Russell, but I am positive that he alluded pleasantly to the
newspaper reports that Mr. Davis, artist of Harper's Weekly, was to accompany
him; and that he afterward spoke of Mr. Davis as the young artist who was to be
his traveling companion.
Mr. Russell surely can not have
forgotten this, nor can I see how he could repudiate Mr. Davis.
I am "Officer of the Day," and
write amidst constant interruptions, but I trust you will be able to comprehend
my meaning.—Very truly yours, ever,
BEN. PERLEY POORE, Maj. Mass.
And on 25th May, twelve days
after Mr, RUSSELL'S card to the Mobile Register was penned, Mr. SAMUEL WARD, the
gentleman whom Mr. RUSSELL calls his "personal friend who was kind enough to act
as" his "secretary and traveling comrade," addressed us the following
letter—written, by-the-way, in the same handwriting as Mr. RUSSELL'S letter to
us from Cairo:
NEW ORLEANS 25th May, 1861. To
the Editor of Harper Weekly:
MY DEAR SIR,—At the request of
Mr. Theodore R. Davis, I take pleasure in bearing testimony to his industry,
skill, and deportment in his calling.
In the present interrupted state
of communications, and amidst the perilous excitements of these trying times, it
has been thought unsafe for him to continue a tour rendered unusually insecure
by an indiscreet notice at the heading of your " Weekly." I think his sketches
singularly felicitous, and do not doubt, were they transferred to wood by his
own pencil, that they would compare favorably with those of any illustrated
periodical now published.
Hoping that this recommendation
may aid the fortunes of my talented and prudent young friend, I am yours very
truly, SAMUEL WARD.
We do not wish to add a word to
the foregoing. We sought no controversy with Mr. RUSSELL, whose talents we
admire, and whose attentions to Mr. DAVIS we appreciate : we would much rather
not have been forced to enter into the above explanations. But Mr. RUSSELL has
left us no choice but to state the facts as they are.
THE Message of the President is
truly American. Among all the messages of late years it is the most thoroughly
democratic. With an acute perception of the essential point of the case—that
this is a movement of the people or it is nothing, since the Government is
nothing except as the people uphold it—he makes his statement and appeal through
their representatives to the people themselves.
But still more than this. While
many Presidents of many parties would have endeavored to save the Government by
force of arms, not all Presidents would so clearly comprehend or so simply state
what the Government was that they were saving. This Government was founded upon
the rights of man; and for the first time in long years the President recognizes
that fact. Presidents' messages for many years have been labored defenses of an
oligarchical and aristocratic administration of the Government. At length there
is a people's President, in no mean sense ; and the Government of the United
States is restored to its original principles. It is not a matter of party, but
of patriotic congratulation.
The character and scope of our
system have never been more admirably stated than in the following extract from
this Message. It would have been a good thing to make the reading of the Message
a special order for the day in every camp of the citizen soldiers of the United
States. How the cry would have rung from the Missouri to the Penobscot, " God
save the President of the United States and all others in authority !"
"This is essentially a people's
contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world
that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the
condition of men, to lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the
path of laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair
chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary departures from
necessity. This is the leading object of the Government for whose existence we
contend. I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and
LEARNED VIEWS OF CONSTITUTIONAL
THERE are some people and papers
who are sadly distressed by the "unconstitutionality" of
General Banks's arrest
Marshal Kane in
Baltimore. One of these gentlemen said, the other day, that
no act of Congress could make the President's proclamation for troops to put
down insurrection against the laws legal !
According to these learned
pundits the only constitutional thing is treason and rebellion and overthrow of
the Government. Ours is a system, they think, which can not lawfully resist its
own violent destruction. They merely repeat the doctrine of Mr. Buchanan that
nobody has a right to break up the Government; but if any body tries, the
Government has no right to help itself.
These are the people whose
political existence is going to be saved in spite of themselves.
WHO ARE AGAINST US?
SHOULD there ever be any
surrender to any rebellion in this country, who would be responsible for it ?
Plainly those who, under the guise of supporting the cause, should have
debauched the public mind by poisoning it with suspicion of the disloyalty or
the incompetency of the Administration. If the curious inquirer asks how this
could be done, the equally plain answer would be,
By hesitating at no charge or
By bringing into suspicion
individual members of the Government, covertly accusing them of complicity with
traitors, and allowing them to be insulted in your columns (if you are a
newspaper) like a common thief.
By representing the commanding
General as secretly wishing a truce with rebels, and not a suppression of the
By aspersing the characters and
motives of Generals acting under the immediate orders of the military
By scrutinizing the details of
administration in every department with most uncharitable eyes.
By always imputing the worst of
motives to your opponents in your own party.
By so emphasizing and magnifying
undoubted mistakes as to leave the inevitable impression that there are nothing
but mistakes to be mentioned.
By insisting that all delay
indicates treachery or cowardice.
Do this incessantly to an
Administration which undertakes the Government under incalculable disadvantages,
at a moment when immense difficulties are to be encountered, and many grave
errors are inevitable; persist in rubbing every chafe into a fester, and denying
that any good can be expected from the management of affairs unless the managers
are incessantly kicked and spurred and taunted and ridiculed, and you will have
the proud satisfaction
of leaving done all you can do to
destroy that hearty public confidence, without which no Administration could
grapple with the emergency, and to persuade the people that, as their affairs
are in such bad hands, and can not be constitutionally taken out of them for
four years, the only way to save themselves is to insist upon making the best
terms possible with the rebels.
Then, when you have succeeded in
doing this, nothing remains but that you should turn upon the friends who reason
with you, and say, " There ! I told you so ; I always knew there would be a
MR. BOND, the university
astronomer at Cambridge, says that the present comet is not that of 1264, the
Pope Urban comet; nor yet that of 1556, the Charles Fifth comet; but an entirely
new and unexpected visitor. Whether it be papal or imperial, or neither, the
comet is a very splendid stranger; and in other ages would have been regarded at
this epoch as the visible genius of war and confusion. Of all the celestial
phenomena comets have always been considered the most portentous. Before science
had seized and scrutinized them, they portended dreadful events, or foreshadowed
If our present visitor be, as has
been generally supposed, but as Mr. Bond denies, the comet of Charles Fifth, it
is pleasant to reflect that its last appearance was as the herald of the great
Elizabethan era in England and the beginning of modern history. 1556, the date
of its last appearance, was the year in which Charles Fifth abdicated. He had
been the arch-enemy of the Reformation, and his abdication may, by the light of
the comet, appear to be symbolic of the defeat of the principle which opposed
human freedom. It portended also the accession of Elizabeth in 1538. Edmund
Spenser and Hooker were three years old and Philip Sydney two, when it shone
last. Chapman was born in 1557, Bacon in 1561, Marlowe in 1562, Shakspeare in
1564. Ben. Jenson, Beaumont, Fletcher, Massinger, were not very far off. All the
singers and sayers and doers
" that fill The spacious times of great
Elizabeth, With sounds that echo still,"
were heralded by the comet of
Did it portend also the Massacre
of St. Bartholomew in 1572 ; the gay heroism of' Henry of Navarre ; the career
of the great William of Holland, and the gloomy reign of Philip Second, a long
and desperate struggle with human nature? . These cardinal events of history
occupied the half century that followed the comet. The principles which underlie
American civilization were tried then by fire. The comet blazes again in our
summer sky. Is it to remind us that as those principles triumphed then in
establishing themselves, they shall no less conquer in saving liberty and
consequently civilization now, and securing them hereafter?
IT is perfectly fair to criticize
public men and measures. But malevolent interpretations of every act and word
are not just or manly criticism.
If you think a man in power is a
traitor, say so; but say it honestly; don't hint it sneakingly.
If you think an administration is
inadequate to a crisis and needs bolstering, say so; and let the reader
understand that you are bolstering because you think there is immense weakness.
If you are identified with a
party and its President is elected, and you think his cabinet incapable, say so
plainly, and insist that he shall choose other advisers; don't waste time and
imperil the country by hints and innuendoes.
Certainly, grave faults of
management are to be pointed out; well-grounded suspicions of personal dishonor
in high officers should not be hushed; doubts of the wisdom of certain policies
and certain appointments are to be openly stated. Such frank and free discussion
is the very soul of our system. But incessant carping, sneering, jeering,
girding, doubting, and denouncing, are not criticism. It is the tone, the
manner, which determines the honesty and value of fault-finding. The same thing
said in one way shows the wish kindly to help; said in another. It shows the
determination to withstand and injure. And if you believe a man honest, and
approve his course, upon the whole, and allowing for the exceptions, you will
not so express your dissent in particulars as to make his bitterest enemies
No loyal man or paper, at this or
any juncture, is bound or expected to approve every act of the Administration
through thick and thin. But he is honorably bound to express his disapproval in
such a way that the cause shall be helped and not hindered. If he can not
express it so as to help, he has no call to speak at all in so solemn a moment.
WHAT A NEWSPAPER MIGHT DO.
A QUIET man asked a shrewd
clergyman who had been praying for rain, whether he thought the Almighty
answered a special prayer of that kind. " Certainly," returned the clergyman, "
if you only pray long enough." And, indeed, in that way we could hardly ask for
any thing in the due order of nature that we should not receive.
A shrewd newspaper, in time of
war, might pursue the same plans with the same success. Without military skill,
or information of the difficulties to be met in the rebels' country, or any
other than a general knowledge of the probable number of armed men near
Washington, and the distance in miles to Richmond; without the least
comprehension of necessary military detail, without which advance would be a
crime, it might incessantly shout, "Forward ! forward !" and when the
Government, having made all its preparations, based upon all its knowledge,
gloved at the proper moment and in its own time, forward, such a paper might
complacently shake its head and say, "There! don't you see ! I did it. If I had
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